MARCH, 1826.]

On the Panama Mission-(in conclave.)

these principles of international law are proposed to be settled; the occasion does not require it.

[SENATE.

solemnly declared that we ought not and will not resist the attempts of the Confederates upon these Islands, should “The indirect influence which the United States may Spain refuse compliance. In the letter from Mr. Clay to "exercise upon any projects or purposes or ginating in the Mr. Middleton, of the 10th of May last, instructing him to "war, in which the Southern Republics are still engaged, invite the mediation of Russia, which was read to the Co“which might seriously affect the interests of this Union," lombian Minister, and communicated to the principal Euis another of the objects referred to by the Executive as ropean Governments, it is declared, "and thus the Peninamong the "contingent and eventual motives" to the mis- "sula, instead of deriving the revenue and the aid so nesion. I subscribe to the complaints of the worthy gentle- cessary to the revival of its prosperity from Cuba and man from Tennessee (Mr. WHITE,) of the want of clear." Porto Rico, must be further drained to succor those ness in the diplomatic language held throughout upon "Islands; for it cannot be doubted, that the new States this subject. Why not specify what those "projects or "will direct their combined and unemployed forces to the purposes" are supposed to be, so that we may act under-"reduction of those valuable Islands. They will natustandingly? This part of the Message is, however, sup-"rally strike their enemy wherever they can reach him, posed to refer to the probable designs of the Confederate" and they will be stimulated to the attack by the double States upon the Islands of Cuba and Porto Rico. The "motive arising from the richness of the prize, and from gentleman from Rhode Island (who, unlike most of those "the fact that those Islands constitute the rendezvous of who agree with him in opinion, has assigned the reasons" Spain, where are concentrated, and from which issue, which will determine his vote) supposes that nothing can "all the means of annoying them which remain to her." be decided by the Congress on this subject. In this he Having understood that an expedition was fitting out at is doubtless mistaken. We have before us abundant evi- Carthagena against Cuba or Porto Rico, by Colombia, or dence, that, if the independence of Spanish America is Mexico, or both, our Secretary of State, on the 20th of not recognized by old Spain, the fate of those islands is December last, addressed notes to the Ministers of those to be settled by the Congress of Panama. Mr. Salazar Governments, in which, after assuring them that by late informs our Government "that the fortune of these Islands advices from St. Petersburg, he was enabled to say that must be decided in the Congress of the Isthmus of Pana- the appeal to the Emperor of Russia had not been without ma." Assuming (as we may) that this will be the case, effect, and that there was reason to believe that he was can we effect any thing by sending a representation to that then exerting his friendly endeavors to put an end to the Congress? I have earnestly reflected on this branch of the war, he solicited their Governments, in the name of the subject, as one in which the United States are deeply con- President, "to forbear to attack those Islands until a sufficerned, and the result is a conviction, that, under existing “cient time has elapsed to ascertain the result of the pacircumstances, no benefit whatever can result from the "cific efforts the great Powers are now making on Spain." measure proposed. Before I assign my specific reasons These communications were transmitted by those Minisfor this opinion, I shall be excused for a brief reference to ters to their respective Governments; and, finally, in the the novel and embarrassing position of our deputies in of letter from the Secretary to Mr. Middleton, of 26th Dec. fering advice on the fate of Cuba and Porto Rico. They he thus explicitly communicates the views and opinions of must present themselves as the Representatives of a Power this Government on the subject: "We cannot allow the which seeks a peace through the mediation of another "transfer of the Islands to any European Power. But if Power, which maintains, theoretically, the right of Spain" Spain should refuse to conclude a peace, and obstinately to the Islands in question; as the Representatives of a "resolve on continuing the war, although we do not dePower which has advocated a peace by which they are to "sire that either Colombia or Mexico should acquire the be forever condemned to Spain. They go to confederate "Island of Cuba, the President cannot see any just fiable with a Congress of free States for the purpose of resisting" ground on which we can forcibly interfere. Upon the the designs of the Holy Alliance; and of supporting, so far" hypothesis of an unnecessary protraction of the war, as Cuba and Porto Rico are concerned, the views, if not " imputable to Spain, it is evident that Cuba will be her the doctrines, of the Holy Alliance; and that too under the " only point d'appui in this hemisphere. How can we inauspices of the very head of that unhallowed combina-"terpose, on that supposition, against the party CLEARLY tion. We affect to glory in the success of the principles " HAVING RIGHT ON HIS SIDE, to restrain or defeat a lawful upon which the Revolution of Spanish America is founded" operation of war? If the war against the Islands should -but still consent to become the advocates of a peace "be conducted by those Republics in a desolating manwhich will condemn Cuba and Porto Rico to the yoke of "ner; if, contrary to all expectation, they should put arms Spain; and, for the very justifiable and consistent reason, "into the hands of one race of the inhabitants to destroy that our interests require it!! But, leaving these glaring" the lives of another; if, in short, they should counteinconsistencies to their merited fate, what are we to do?"nance and encourage excesses and examples, the conta What can we do? It is contended that the interests of our "gion of which, from our neighborhood, would be dancountry require that the condition of Cuba should remain" gerous to our quiet and safety; the Government of the unchanged that upon this point we should hazard every "United States might feel itself called upon to interpose thing. Admit the fact: Will our Ministers be allowed to "its power. But it is not apprehended that any of those take that ground? Can the Executive instruct them to" contingencies will arise, and, consequently, it is most protest against any movements on the part of the Confede-" probable that the United States, should the war contirate States against those Islands?-to admonish them of its "nue, will remain hereafter, as they have been heretoimpropriety, and denounce resistance? No, sir. Upon a "fore, neutral observers of the progress of events." Mr. subject of such vital importance, the only one in which Middleton was directed to cominunicate the contents of our presence at the Congress could be useful, the Execu- this letter to the Russian Government, and they were, tive has already taken a step which he can never retrace. doubtless, also communicated to the Colombian and MexiDeceived by the artful letter of Count Nesselrode; mis- can Ministers, with the views which induced the commuled by the unsuspecting confidence of Mr. Middleton; nication to them of the former letter to Mr. Middleton on and supposing that the Emperor Alexander would under- the same subject. Now, sir, should the Confederate take, in earnest, the desired mediation, and that, under States think the invasion of those Islands necessary to the his high auspices, its success would be inevitable; he has successful prosecution of the war, can our Ministers at the

This important letter has not been laid before the House of Representatives.-Note by Mr. V. B.

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On the Panama Mission-(in conclave.)

[MARCH, 1826.

pendence. Shall we become the advocates of its surren der? Shall we urge upon the new Republics to purchase it by degrading concessions, or by any which they have not already evinced their willingness to make? Mexico and Colombia have already declared their readiness, upon the acknowledgment of their Independence, to desist from any attempts upon Cuba and Porto Rico. Their sincerity cannot be doubted. Have they any thing else to offer as the price of their recognition? Is it commercial preferences, the equivalent of Hayti to France?

The President intimates that, at times, they have evinced this disposition. But he would doubtless be the last to encourage a measure so fatal to our interests. Nothing, therefore, can be done, not already attempted, without success. If we must appear in the office of mediatorsan object of so much apparent solicitude with our Government-let our appeals be directed to Spain, where alone they can be availing. But, let us remember, that our admonitions, our remonstrances, our solicitations, will derive no additional weight from the circumstance that they emanate from the bosom of a Congress, composed, with the single exception of the United States, of the Representatives of her confederate foes. Will we not, on the contrary, by the proposed step, render all our future efforts abortive? Shall we not, by it, have taken a stand, inconsistent with our assumed mediatorial office?

Congress, with these deliberate opinions and unequivocal declarations of our Government, raise a voice against the measure? If they did so, would not the Deputies from the other States charge our Government with insincerity? -would not the evidence to support the imputation be complete?—and is it not in their possession? Is it reasonable to expect, that, in a war, waged not only for their security, but existence, they could be induced to be more attentive to our interests than their own? No, sir, in my judgment, the period for efficient operation on that point, through the agency of Ministers, has passed away. If the United States are willing, if it be their interest to resist, at all hazards, and by whomsoever attempted, the invasion of those Islands, the manifestation of that resolution, to be efficient, must proceed from another branch of the Government-the Legislature. They are, fortunately, unfettered by diplomatic entanglements. If our Deputies there cannot effect this object, what are they to do? Surely not to countenance measures which may be adopted by the assembled States against those Islands. This would be not only to counteract our views, but make our selves, at once, a party to the war. Suppose that, doing neither, they remain passive spectators, and the invasion is directed by the Congress. Being a war measure, all proceedings upon it must be secret. Can we hope to allay the awakened jealousies of Spain, that we have connived at, if not sanctioned, the invasion of her territory? The next subject proposed by the President, is the inWill we not, at all events, be driven to the necessity of ex-fluence our Representatives at the proposed Congress may tensive and humiliating explanations to the Government have in promoting the advancement of religious liberty. immediately concerned, and to those to whom we have Upon this subject he says, "There is yet another subject made professions on the subject? Why thus embarrass" upon which, without entering into any treaty, the moral ourselves? Why render our relations upon this subject "influence of the United States may, perhaps, be exertmore complicated than they are? Is it to favor Old Spain? "ed, with beneficial consequences, at such a meetingNo-we have uniformly disapproved and reprobated her "the advancement of religious liberty. Some of the conduct. We owe her nothing. Whatever we may say "Southern Nations are even yet so far under the domito the contrary, we know, and, what is more, the world"nion of prejudice, that they have incorporated with knows, that it is solely on the ground of the utter help- "their political constitutions an exclusive church, withlessness of her condition, that we wish the continuance of "out toleration of any other than the dominant sect. her dominion over these Islands. To favor the Southern "The abandonment of this last badge of religious bigotry Republics? They do not admit that this is a subject in "may be pressed more effectually by the united exerwhich we have any concern. It is not one in which they" tions of those who concur in the principles of freedom have asked or expect us to take a part. They know that" of conscience, upon those who are yet to be convinced we cannot interfere without violating our neutrality." of their justice and wisdom, than by the solitary efforts They do not want our aid, and would only be embarrassed" of a Minister to any one of the separate Governments." by our interference. Is it for the benefit of these Islands The strong ground upon which this matter has been themselves? No-we have deliberately abandoned them placed by the Committee, would render any thing like an to their fate. We have formally acquiesced in the hope- elaborate discussion of it by me inexcusable. "That the lessness of their condition, and labored to make their con- Apostolic Roman Catholic Religion shall be the Religion nexion with Spain indissoluble. In this particular, at of the State," is among the foremost articles in all the least, our interference and our counsels have been adverse Constitutions of the Spanish American States, as it was in to those free and liberal principles, in whose success, in the late Constitution of Old Spain. It is not to be doubtthe South American States, we so justly and so cordially ed, that most of the leaders in Old Spain, during the Contriumph. Such is now our embarrassing condition. How stitutional Government, and the Patriots who achieved the has it been produced? Is it not evidently the result of a Independence of Spanish America, were as just and libecourse of measures which we seem determined to prose-ral in their religious, as they have shewn themselves to cute still farther? Is it not the fruit of over action, of an have been in their political principles! It is not within unwise anxiety to figure in great concerns? Of an ambi- the laws of character like theirs, to be the advocates of intion to take upon ourselves the business of other nations, tolerance of any description. It is, therefore, but fair to to the prejudice, if not neglect, of our own? How differ- presume, that exertions in favor of religious toleration ent would have been our condition, if, instead of all this were omitted, from a conviction that they could not have diplomacy, we had simply and plainly informed the Go- been made without disturbing the public feeling to an extent vernments of Spanish America what we have said to the injurious, if not destructive, to the great object of the Powers of Europe; that we would not suffer the occupa- Revolution. tion of the Island of Cuba by any other Power except Spain, cost what it might. Depend upon it, sir, we should then have had no difficulties concerning Cuba; nor would we have been reduced to the necessity of sending Deputies to the Congress of Panama, to extricate ourselves from the meshes of our own weaving.

This inference is fully confirmed by the testimony of those who have had opportunities to become acquainted with the subject. From these we learn that the establishment of the Roman Catholic Religion was a matter of indispensable necessity. They inform us, that the Patriot cause was greatly indebted for its success to the exertions But we are informed by the President, that we 66 may of the lower order of Ecclesiastics, who, in opposition to exercise good offices which may ultimately contribute to bring the Bishops, threw the great weight of their influence the war to a speedy termination." Where lies the difficulty, into the Revolutionary scale: that all that order, and those permit me to ask, in the way of pacification? With Old they influence, constituting the physical force of the Spain? What is the great point in controversy? Inde- country, would, unhesitatingly, desert the party who aban

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On the Panama Mission-(in conclave.)

[SENATE.

as

doned what they honestly consider to be the only true which, commencing with our Government, is endeared faith. Add to these considerations the fact, that there to the People, and upon whose deep foundations has been are no sects in the country, and we will, perhaps, have erected the magnificent superstructure of unequalled namore reason to commend the discretion of the Patriots in tional prosperity-it surely becomes those entrusted with leaving that matter to the silent progress of liberality in the management of affairs, to pause, and weigh, with scrupublic sentiment, than to censure their seeming insensi- pulous exactness, the importance of the step. bility to what the President justly regards as among the In the discussion of this subject, I shall first consider the greatest of all human privileges-religious freedom. It general principle; then the grounds of the distinction atappears to me, (with deference to the high source from tempted to be made between its application to the Spanwhence this suggestion proceeds,) that, from all we know ish American States, and to those of Europe. At this moof the great body of the People, nothing could have a ment the United States (thanks to the wisdom of their early greater tendency to defeat the objects of the Congress, counsels!) are unfettered. No Government has a right to and to endanger, if not destroy, the present order of things demand our aid or interference in any of the changes in the in Spanish America, than the promulgation of the idea condition of the world-come what may, we are now unthat any change or modification in the religious establish- embarrassed in our choice. Until lately, I had flattered ment of the country, was, in any way, to be effected or myself that the acknowledged obligation on the part of accelerated at that Assembly. If we send Deputies there our Government to maintain that condition, was with any such views, however restricted in their powers, firmly fixed as its Republican character. I had the best their arrival will be regarded as a calamity. The commit- reason to think so, because I knew it to be a principle in tee have spoken with great truth of the public opinion in our public policy, which had for its support all that is inthis country on the subject of interference, direct or indi-structive in experience, all that is venerable in authority. rect, with the internal concerns of other States, and espe- That authority is no less than the parting admonitions of cially of that most delicate of all subjects-the religion of the Father of his Country. The earnest, eloquent, and im its inhabitants. On a reference to the treaties between pressive appeals upon this subject, contained in his Farethe Confederate States, it will be seen that the views ex- well Address, are yet, and will, I trust, long remain, fresh pressed are in strict conformity with theirs. It will be in our recollections; nor were the sentiments he thus seen that, on this subject, they were not willing to trust avowed mere speculative opinions, founded upon an abto construction, but inserted express stipulations, against stract consideration of the subject. No! they were sentiany interference with the internal concerns of the respec-ments matured by reflection, and confirmed by actual extive States. perience, of the practical results which had arisen from a [Mr. VAN BUREN said, that he had thus far discussed the connexion of the character he so ardently and so justly subject without reference to the question, how far the deprecated. A reference to the history of that period will adoption of the measures proposed would conflict with illustrate the fact, and is replete with instruction. During our neutral obligation, and thus conduce to a war with the war of our Revolution, we entered into an alliance Spain. He then proceeded to the discussion of that with France, "the essential and direct end of which was, branch of the subject; declaring, at the same time, that "to maintain effectually the liberty, sovereignty, and indeit had been so fully and so ably discussed by the gentle-“pendence, of the United States, absolute and unlimited, man from South Carolina, (Mr. HAINE,) from New Hamp-"as well in matters of Government as of commerce." By shire, (Mr. WOODBURY,) and from Tennessee, (Mr. the treaty of alliance, we, in consideration of the guaranWHITE,) that he despaired of being able to do more than tee by France of the freedom and independence of the repeat objections which had already been urged with so United States, undertook, on our part, to guaranty to much eloquence and ability. The remarks he made are France the possession she then had in America. The renot published. He then continued]volution in France involved that country in war with the I will now, Mr. President, call the attention of the Se-principal Powers of Europe. Her American possessions nate to another view of this subject, to a question of the were brought in danger; and, among other things, claimed gravest character, and most deeply affecting the dearest under the treaty of alliance, she called upon us for the fulinterests of the country-a question growing out of con-filment of our guarantee. At no period of our history has siderations which have heretofore occupied the best our Government been placed in a more humiliating and minds, and interested the purest hearts our country has embarrassing situation. The signal benefits we had reproduced: "WOULD IT BE WISE IN US TO CHANGE OUR ES-ceived from France were known to the world, and fully "TABLISHED POLICY UPON THE SUBJECT OF POLITICAL CON-appreciated by our citizens. Upon the terms of the com"NEXIONS WITH FOREIGN STATES"" The President has pact there could be no dispute. The consideration upon said, that, "to form alliances," is not among the motives which we had entered into it, was of the most sacred chaof our attendance at the Congress. But what description racter. But the danger of compliance was imminent, and of alliance does he mean? They are of various kinds, and prevailed over every other consideration. Reposing itself of different extent. We are, at that Congress, to stipulate upon the great principle of self-preservation-a principle in some form, (and I care not in what,) that we will resist extending itself as well to nations as individuals—our Goany attempt at colonization, by the Powers of Europe, invernment refused to comply with its engagement; and this hemisphere, (or within our own borders if you please,) General Washington issued his celebrated proclamation of and that, in the event of any interference on their part, in neutrality. The grounds relied upon to justify the step the struggle between Spain and the Spanish American were, that our alliance was a defensive one only; that the States, we will make common cause with the latter in re- war, on the part of France, was an offensive war, in which sisting it. To this end we have been invited, and upon we were not obliged, by the law of nations, to take part; these points we have promised that our Ministers shall that the contest was, moreover, so unequal, and our means have full powers. We must do this, or the whole affair so inadequate, that, upon the principle of self-preservabecomes empty pageantry; which, though it may be the tion, we were justified in refusing to take part with our offspring of personal ambition, will assuredly terminate in ally. It was not expected that France would acquiesce in national disgrace. Call it an " alliance,' or whatever the validity of the grounds thus taken. She did not. The name you please, it is a political connexion, at war with loud solemn protests of her Ministers are remembered; as, the established policy of our Government. And is this a also, the measures resorted to for the purpose of obtainLight matter? Sir, when it is proposed to subvert a funda-ing, indirectly, some of the advantages claimed from the mental principle in our foreign policy, in the support of alliance: such as fitting out vessels of war in our ports, and which we stand ALONE among all the nations of the earth-enlisting our citizens in her service. England remonstrat

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[MARCH, 1826.

may now and then recur, to moderate the fury of party spirit; to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue; "to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; "this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for "your welfare, by which they have been dictated." His language was prophetic. "His admonition did not make the strong and lasting impression he wished." At the extra session of Congress, in May, 1797, his successor, in his message to that body, thus expressed himself: Extract from the Message of President Adams to Congress,

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in 1798.

ed, made strong imputations of partiality against our Government-imputations founded on suspicions growing out of the known connexion between us and France-and resorted to similar means to annoy her enemies and commit our neutrality. General Washington found it impossible to satisfy either party of the strict impartiality that governed our conduct. The result was war, in fact, with France, and many of the evils of war with England. She enforced against our commerce new and unjustifiable principles of public law on the subject of blockades and articles contraband of war. The sagacious mind of Washington, and the great men who enjoyed his confidence, traced the multi"Although it is very true, that we ought not to involve plied embarrassments of the country at that trying period, "ourselves in the political system of Europe, but to keep to the treaty of alliance with France. Had it not been for ourselves distinct and separate from it, if we can; yet, to that, the task of preserving our neutrality would have been "effect this separation, early, punctual, and continual incomparatively easy. There would then have been wantformation of the current chain of events, and of the politiing those great sources of discord, unsatisfied claims of "cal projects in contemplation, is no less necessary than if right on the part of one belligerent, and food for jealousy" we were directly concerned in them. It is necessary, in on the other. It was under a deep conviction of this truth, "order to the discovery of the efforts made to draw us into that that inestimable man was induced to address his coun"the vortex, in season to make preparations against them. trymen in language like this. I will make no apology"However we may consider ourselves, the maritime and for reading it. I hope to God that the time will never ar "and commercial Powers of the world will consider the rive when an apology will be necessary for reading any "United States of America as forming a weight in that thing to an American Senate, emanating from him, and "balance of power in Europe, which never can be forgotten bearing upon a question before it. or neglected. It would not only be against our interest, but Extracts from the Farewell Address of General Washington. "it would be doing wrong to one-half of Europe at least, "The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign "if we should voluntarily throw ourselves into either scale. "nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to "It is a natural policy, for a nation that studies to be neu"have with them as little political connection as possible.❝tral, to consult with other nations engaged in the same "So far as we have already formed engagements, let them "studies and pursuits. At the same time that measures "be fulfilled with perfect good faith.-Here let us stop. "ought to be pursued with this view, our treaties with "Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us "Prussia and Sweden, one of which is expired, and the "have none, or a very remote relation. Hence, she must "other near expiring, might be renewed." "be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of "which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, "therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate our "selves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of "her politics, or the ordinary combinations of her friend-regard of the precepts of Washington, was met by the "ships or enmities.

“Our detached and distant situation invites and enables "us to pursue a different course. If we remain one Peo"ple, under an efficient Government, the period is not "far off, when we may defy material injury from external "annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will "cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to "be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, "under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, "will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when "we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by "justice, shall counsel.

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"This communication was followed by the nomination of a minister (the present President of the United States,) to Berlin, to carry into effect the avowed object of the mission. This early departure from the principles, and dis

A

united and most vigorous opposition of the Republicans of that day. An attempt was first made in the Senate to defeat the mission, on the ground of its inexpediency. That failing, the appropriation was resisted in the House of Representatives, in a debate that lasted for several weeks. It was the direct cause of the first great collision, between the Republicans of that day, and the then President. singular and extraordinary similarity will be found between the question then agitated, and the one now under discussion. It was then contended that the United States ought to consult with other nations engaged in the same studies and pursuits, and that measures ought to be pursued "Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? with that view. Those measures were understood to be Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, the formation of political connections, (beyond the ordiby interweaving our destiny with that of any part of nary commercial treaties,) in order to secure co-operation Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of in support of their common interest; and further, that it European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? belonged to the President to decide on the question of ""Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent al- the propriety of a mission for that purpose, and that the "liances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I Senate were only to pass on the fitness of the persons nomean, as we are now at liberty to do it: for let me not minated. What is now contended for, and what the policy be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to ex- we resist? That, having a common interest with the Span"isting engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable ish American States, we ought to meet with them in Con"to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always gress-in the language of the Secretary of State, speaking "the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engage-in the name of the President, for the purpose of "settling "ments be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my "opinion, it it unnecessary, and would be unwise, to ex"tend them."

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"several important questions of public law, and arranging "other matters of deep interest to the American Continent." What those matters are, and how they are to be arranged, "In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of has, I hope, been fully developed; and further, that "this "an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will" measure is deemed to be within the Constitutional com"make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; "petency of the Executive," that we are only consulted to "that they will control the usual current of the passions, obtain our opinion on its "expediency," and because it "or prevent our nation from running the course which is necessary to come to us for an appropriation, without "has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I which, the measure cannot be carried into effect." Yes, may even flatter myself that they may be productive of sir, the first blow that was struck in that great contest, some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they which subsequently convulsed the country, and the first

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MARCH, 1826.]

On the Panama Mission-(in conclave. )

[SENATE.

voice that was raised to arrest the current of events then country. Far beyond the reach of Executive patronage, setting in, were on points, to all substantial purposes, iden- they boldly contended for a principle taught by Washingtical with the present. Is it not a startling, if not an omin- ton, and which has since been consecrated by the approv ous circumstance, that, so soon, under the present admin- ing voice of the People. Their labors shared the fate istration, we should have presented to us, in such bold re- which, in all probability, awaits the exertions of those lief, doctrines and principles, which, in the first year of who, at this day, maintain their doctrines. They were that to which I have referred, laid the foundation of the outmustered at roll-call. They failed, mark it, by a ma. most bitter and unrelenting feuds? Does the analogy stop jority of four. The force of Executive patronage, aide a here? The men who then opposed the mission to Berlin by a venal press, was too strong for them. But of what were denounced as oppositionists; as a faction who sought avail was success to their adversaries? A few more such the gratification of their personal views, at the expense of victories, and their ruin was complete. The one party the public good; they were lampooned, and vilified by all succeeded in the House, but the other out of it. The seed the presses supporting and supported by the Govern- then sown took root. The doctrines of the dominant parment, and a host of malicious parasites generalled by its ty, inherently unsound, stood rebuked before the power patronage. Their weight of character, the purity of their and eloquence of their adversaries, and speedily received lives, the consistency of their principles, and their force the condemnation of the People; whilst the opposing prinof reasoning, were alike unavailing. It was sufficient ciple, the principle for which we now contend, was rescued that they dared to think for themselves; to prefer what from the attack that was made upon it, and once more rethey regarded as the interests of their constituents, to the gistered among the special canons of the American policy. wishes of the Executive; to refuse a ready acquiescence Its advocates lived to see it placed upon a footing which they in what was given them to do; and every puny whipster had every reason to believe would last, at least, the short in the land felt himself at liberty, without in the least un-period of their existence. But how uncertain are all things! derstanding the question involved, to misrepresent their "Let no man boast of to-morrow, for he knoweth not acts, and impugn their motives. Respect for this body, and what a day may bring forth." The events of the last month a just contempt for the venal efforts of venal men, re- form a striking commentary upon the text. It is now strains me from pushing the parallel farther. Covering twenty-eight years since this transaction took place, and themselves with the mantle of Washington, the Republicans there are yet two persons on this floor who acted and of '98 labored manfully to strangle, at its birth, this politi-voted together upon that great question. It has been to cal hydra, this first attempt, since the establishment of the Government, to subject our political affairs to the terms and conditions of a political connexion, with any foreign nation. I ask the indulgence of the Senate, whilst I read a short extract from a most able speech, made on that occasion by a man whom Mr. Jefferson described as being, in that stormy period, "the main mast of the ship." It shows the striking analogy between the questions. Extract from the Speech of Albert Gallatin on Foreign In

tercourse.

me a matter of much interest to witness their course at this day. Of the one I cannot speak, but hope for the best. The sentiments of the other (Mr. Macox) are on record. He is yet the same unwavering kepublican that he was in '98. The principle now involved is the same as then. When that is ascertained, he exhibits neither trembling nor hesitation. With a mind vigorous, though mellowed by experience, firmly relying on the Republic, he follows the maxims of his early years. The circumstances under which I speak restrains me. But this much I will "The President of the United States conceives that it say: The man who has occupied a seat here and in the "is a natural policy for us to consult with other nations other House, during every administration of the Governengaged in the same studies and pursuits, and that mea- ment, from the second year of its institution to the present sures ought to be pursued with this view. The late Pre- day, and who has been wise enough to estimate, at their "sident thinks it unwise, by interweaving our destiny with value, the miserable illusions of Executive favor, and who "Europe, to entangle our peace, unwise to implicate our-prefers the approbation of his own conscience to the mc"selves by artificial ties, unwise and unnecessary to ex-retricious smile of power; who can look back upon a life "tend our engagements. His opinion is emphatically ex- thus spent, with an entire consciousness that he never, in "pressed by these words, 'Here let us stop.' a single instance, postponed the interests of his constitu"But if we adopt the policy to consult with other na- ents to promote his own; deserves to be regarded as a "tions-if measures are to be pursued with that view-if monument of fidelity and consistency, alike honorable to "we are to form new foreign political connections; how his State, and beneficial to his country. But to return to "can we hope to escape being unavoidably drawn into the circumstances of that eventful period: The ball of po"the vortex It was, after having thus communicated his litical revolution, which was set in motion by the debate "intention-it was in pursuance of that plan, that the on the Berlin mission, was pressed rapidly forward by suc "President thought fit to send a Minister to Berlin. With cessive measures of equally exceptionable character, un"Prussia, we have no commerce. Had commerce been til finally it effected the total overthrow of the party then "the object of that embassy, Sweden, Denmark, the in power, and the elevation of Mr. Jefferson to the Pre"Hanse-towns, or Italy, would have been preferred. The sidential chair. The creed of this great Father of our Po"mission is avowedly and evidently of a political nature, litical Church, was, "Peace, commerce, and honest and, if we are to consult and to form connections with friendship, with all nations; entangling alliances with none:" "nations, who may, in our opinion, be engaged in similar In strict conformity to the principle of Washington, ad"pursuits with ourselves if Prussia is considered as such vising an "extension of our commercial relations, but as "with what nation in Europe may we not, and shall we "little political connection as possible. So far as we have "not, according to circumstances, consult, concert mea"already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with "sures, and form political arrangements? It is from this "perfect good faith; but here let us stop!" During the "view of the subject that I have been induced, however whole of Mr. Jefferson's administration, the whole of Mr. "reluctantly, fully to state all the reasons which impress Madison's, and the first four years of Mr. Monroe's, (with "upon my mind a conviction of the importance of the pre-a single attempted exception,) the principles avowed by "sent amendment, of the importance of checking at this time, and in its birth, a system which tends to increase "our political connexions with Europe.”

the two great founders of the Republic were respected, and the result was good. The exception to which I allude was this: Influenced by that deep solicitude for the Mr. Gallatin was not alone: Macon, Nicholas, and a host welfare of our Western brethren, which always has, and I of others, associated with him in defence of principles, intrust always will, influence the councils of the country, their view vitally important to the future prosperity of the the Government was, in 1803, induced to offer, through

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