Mr. SMITH said, if he understood the objection of the gentleman from Georgia, it was, that such a proposition had never before been introduced into a military appropriation bill. In that, Mr. S. said, he was quite right: when the Cumberland Road was commenced, it was put under The gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. JOHNSON,) Mr. C. the direction of the Secretary of the Treasury, then Mr. said, seemed to think it was rather hard that he should GALLATIN, and it was completed entirely under the direc-oppose this appropriation, when he insinuated that he, tion of the Treasury Department. All the appropriations (Mr. C.) was in favor of another appropriation, which has which were passed after the first act, for the continuation not yet been acted on, for removal of obstructions in the of the Cumberland Road, were inserted in the general | River Savannah. In the first place, Mr. C. said, he had

SENATE.]

Cumberland Road.

[MARCH 20, 1826.

as he found it was to be applied altogether beyond Zanesville, he should vote against it.

Mr. BARTON made a few remarks, too indistinctly heard to be reported.

Mr. FINDLAY then moved to amend the bill, so as to confine the appropriation to the road as far as Zanesville; which motion was negatived without a division.

Mr. COBB said, the inquiry made by the gentleman from Maine had not been answered, because it could not be. He would, he said, make another inquiry-whe ther the appropriations made for the Cumberland and other roads, had not already exceeded the actually receivdevoted to roads, which had been received from the sale of public lands in those States? If such was the fact, they were now loaning the money of the United States to the object of this road, without knowing whether it was ever to be repaid. By calculation, it was possible to make almost any thing appear; but they were not to calculate that this land would sell for a dollar and a half an acre-a very large portion of the land in the several States would never bring that-it was doubtful whether a great portion would ever be sold at all. Even if Congress should assume the power, he could call it nothing but assumption of continuing this road from this fund-they certainly ought not to anticipate it-they ought to wait till it is received into the Treasury before they appropriate it. Congress had, Mr. C. said, long since, exceeded the proportion of the two per cent. fund that has been received from the sales of the public land, in its expenditures on this road.

not yet voted on that bill, but he considered it as a distinct object, depending on a distinct principle from the other consideration. During the Revolutionary war, the United States, for the defence of the place, directed certain obstructions to be placed in the River Savannah. At the end of the war they were not removed, and they have remained ever since, to the manifest injury of the harbor; and the question here to be considered was, not whether they would adopt a system of internal improvement, but whether they would remove the obstructions from the harbor, where they had themselves placed them. Mr. RUGGLES hoped the gentleman would not persist in his motion to strike out the appropriation. The reasoned proportion of the two per cent. fund which is to be why it was inserted in this bill had been satisfactorily explained by the gentleman from Maryland. The subject was transferred from the Secretary of the Treasury to the Secretary of War. The money is expended in the same way that the other items in the bill are expended. Hence the necessity of uniting these items in one bill. This question, Mr. R. said, had been settled-the principle was discussed last session; a law was passed, which provided for making the road, and officers are now in commission, and under pay, for superintending it; and it certainly was the intention of Congress that this road should go on, otherwise, they would not have passed the law creating those offices. Mr. R. said he had listened, with great attention, last session, to the eloquent argument of the gentleman from Georgia on the subject. A majority of twenty-eight to sixteen, decided then in favor of the principle. The law was passed, and he thought it was now too late to make these constitutional objections. The proper course for the gentlemen to pursue, would be to strike at the law passed at the last session, if they wished to arrive at their object-to repeal it. Mr. R. then contended that the fund arising from the sale of the lands would be sufficient, not only to make the road, but a large surplus would be left, and argued that the road could be made cheaper than had been estimated. It was now in the hands of the laboring classes, instead of speculators or monopolists, and the system was altogether improved. As this item in the bill had passed the House of Representatives in that shape, he trusted it would pass this body likewise, and he repeated that he hoped the gentleman would not persist in his motion.

Mr. NOBLE said, he had hoped that the principles in relation to this road had long since been settled. Appropriations on the subject had been passed for years, with little or no interruption or opposition, on constitutional grounds. The gentleman from Georgia might determine for himself; but, when it is evident that appropriations have been made in almost every State in this Union, as well as Territories, for roads, he should like to be informed, and hear nice discriminations, and the provision in the Constitution pointed out, that forbids the appropriation now under consideration; and that too against solemn stipulations, entered into by the United States with the People of the Northwestern States, while they were TerritoMr. CHANDLER inquired of the Chairman of the Com-ries. Sir, said Mr. N. the construction given to the Conmittee that reported this bill, as this sum was to be repla- stitution, by those most scrupulous as to the powers of ced out of the fund reserved for laying out and making Congress on the subject of making roads, have not denied roads, under the direction of Congress, whether he knew that Congress has not the power to make roads in the how much this fund would amount to. He should like to Territories. The Constitution declares that Congress shall know, also, what proportion had been laid out of this sum have the power to make all needful rules and regulations already. When they took into consideration the bill respecting the Territories, and Congress had, in making introduced by the gentleman from Missouri, to graduate rules and regulations, by law appropriated millions of dolthe price of public lands, by which, after a continual re- lars for the construction of roads, not only in the Terriduction of price, on the lands not being sold, they were tories, but in the States. to be given away, he wanted to know how much the fund would amount to then. He thought the expenditures for the road would overrun the amount provided for by the fund, out of which it was to be paid.

Mr. FINDLAY said, he had voted against an appropriation similar to this last year, but not upon constitutional grounds. He could not perceive how the proposed appropriation involved any constitutional question. It was only carrying into effect the compact made with these new States. It was not now necessary to inquire whether the compact between the United States and the States already formed, would confer any additional power on Congress or not. Congress may admit new States into the Union, and there is nothing unconstitutional in forming the particular terms on which the State shall be admitted. This was part of the compact, that certain funds should be set apart for making roads. If this appropriation was intended to be applied between Wheeling and Zanesville, and would complete the road, he would have voted for it; but,

The gentleman from Georgia wishes to know the extent of the two per cent. fund for making roads leading to the Northwestern States. Sir, the inquiry comes too late; it is unimportant as to the amount, be it great or small. Congress being the strong arm, actually, in 1818 or 19, pledged the whole of this fund to reimburse the United States for money they had expended in making the Cumberland Road, within the jurisdiction of three States, Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Virginia, without regarding their contract with the States through which this road is to pass.

The compact was binding, Mr. N. said, between the Government and the States. If it was not binding, what a fraud had been practised on the States. The Territories bound themselves by ordinances, and were admitted into the Union in full faith. They had complied with their stipulations, but the General Government had not performed theirs. It was true, there was no time specified, but were they, therefore, to wait till the day of judgment?

It was obligatory on the General Government the moment the compact was entered into, to fulfil it. If you are one of the contracting parties, said Mr. N. and we are the other, and we are to wait your will and pleasure, I would rather have no compact at all. I would rather not come into the Union. I would rather remain a Territorial Government, than to have yielded what we have yielded. I hope this road will go on as it has commenced. The whole interest of the Western Country is to be destroyed if this road is to be discontinued. It was advocated by Jefferson, by Madison, and Monroe, and now seems to be the time that this road is not to be made an inch further. You receive the money, you put it into the Treasury, and your stipulation remains yet unfulfilled. Mr. N. concluded by hoping the Senate would vote for this road, and bind the interests of the Western States and Missouri with the Eastern. He had more faith in this road than in digging a canal through the Alleghany mountains.

[SENATE.

imputation of any "bad faith" in respect to the State of Ohio-I disclaim it-I declare, before God and man, that I never did though the record will speak to the contraryyet the record don't tell the truth-I never did vote for the admission of any one new State into the Union from the time that I took my seat in Congress—and, so help me God, I never will. Ohio was the first State which was admitted after I took my seat in Congress-in the Journal you will find my name, but you will find it as one of the Committee on Ways and Means to whom the subject was in the first instance referred. You will not find it on the Committee, to which, the Committee on Ways and Means being discharged from the subject, it was referred, because the Committee on Ways and Means were not sufficiently practicable to the views of this-(whether a territorial delegate or lobby member, it don't value that!) this diplomatic agent on the part of Ohio. I did not vote against the admission of the State of Ohio into Mr. RANDOLPH then rose, and said, I do not rise to the Union, not only because there was no occasion for me detain the Senate, or to give a history of this very extraor- to throw myself into the ranks of opposition against my dinary road, or of the compact between the State of Ohio, best friends, with whom I was united in the closest bonds or rather Territory, and the United States, out of which of intimacy, when that opposition could not avail, but bethis appropriation for roads grew. I will only say, that cause I was unable to attend on the final question. If I that subject, when before Congress, now about twenty- had been in the House, I should have voted against the four years ago, if I don't forget-was referred to the Com- State of Ohio being admitted into the Union, but I could mittee of Ways and Means, of which I was a member. not get to the House from indisposition, when the quesThere was a gentleman from the State of Ohio attending tion was taken on the passage of the bill. From that day here in behalf of that State-I no not now recollect whe- to this (and I recollect that I was once in a minority of ther he was a Territorial Delegate-I think he was not- two with an old sedition-law and black-cockade Federalist he has since been Governor of Ohio. The Committee did on some of them) I voted against the admission of any new not choose to come into the views of that gentleman in State into the Union-I won't be positive, for I have not many respects, and, among others, in reference to the hunted the Journal-my last vote I think was in reference boundaries of the State of Ohio-extending them beyond to the admission of the State of Missouri into the Union, the Miami of the Lake-they did not give him carte which seems to excite the risibility of my friend from that blanche, to make the bill what he pleased. The Commit- State (Mr. BENTON) and the facts are these: As Ohio tee of Ways and Means were so extremely-what shall I was the first State admitted, so was Missouri the last-the say? so extremely impracticable by this Agent, that they facts are these-I don't see any one here who can corrowere discharged from the further consideration of the sub-borate them, but my then colleague, W. S. ARCHER can, ject, and the question was referred to another Committee. so can twenty, thirty, fifty, gentlemen in the House of ReThat Committee brought in a bill under which Ohio came presentatives. The facts were these: On the night that into the Union, and that bill was the work almost exclu- that bill had its last vote in the other House, my colsively of the Representative of what is now the State of league was a new member-I declared publicly and openOhio, with some little modifications on the part of the ly that in case that bill should pass, with the amendthen Secretary of the Treasury, who had this road a good ment then proposed, unless another amendment should deal at heart, and through whose interest, instead of going succeed, which did not succeed-I declared conditionally, through Clarksburg, as was contended for by the Repre- that I should move for a reconsideration of the vote-mysentative from that district of country, it was carried self and my colleague, who, with another gentleman whom through Pennsylvania, to Wheeling, only going through I shall not refer to, though near me, (Mr. MACON,) were a small portion of Virginia, called the county of Brooke, the only persons whom I have heard of, belonging to the hardly as wide as the Eastern Shore of Virginia-extend- Southern interest, who determined to have no comproing between the Western Boundary of Pennsylvania and mise at all on this subject. They determined to cavil on the River Ohio, which, in that particular reach of its the nineteenth part of a hair in a matter of sheer rightcourse, is nearly due South, and almost parallel to the line touching the dearest interests-the life-blood of the that separates Pennsylvania on the West from Virginia. Southern States. The House was exhausted-a gentleThe bill passed as modified by the Agent of Ohio, giving man fainted in front of the Chair and tumbled on the to her a greater disposable area of arable land, than any ground-in this state of things, my colleague asked me other State in this Union possesses-giving her a super- whether it would not do as well to put off the motion till ficies of land fit for cultivation, surpassing the other two to-morrow, (for he was in ill health and much fatigued.) States of Indiana and Illinois, and cutting off from the Ter- I said I could not agree to that till I had taken the opinion After that question had ritory of Michigan all that fine country which lies beyond of the Court in the last resort. the Miami of the Lake, to suit the designs of this Agent, eventuated, as I foresaw it might, I rose in my place and and those of another gentleman, then at the head of the asked of the Speaker whether it was in order to move Post Office Department, [Gideon Granger,] who I heard a reconsideration of the vote-he said that it was. declare with his own lips, that he would make a State I am stating facts of more importance to the civil histhere, which should countervail" the great State of Vir- tory of this country than the battle which took place ginia," and he has done it. I did not rise to give this histo- not far from this-he said it was. I then asked himry, but to vindicate my consistency-it is by that consis- (to relieve my colleague, who had just taken his seat tency, for although the truth may be blamed, she never the first time that session) whether it would be in orcan be shamed-it is to that consistency that I owe my der to move the re-consideration of the vote on the next place here that it is that consistency, which, accord- day. He said something to this effect: Surely the gentleing as the several parties of this country have vibrated man knows the rules of the House too well not to know one way or another, has brought me into collision with, that it will be in order at any time during the sitting toor in support of them. I hope the Senate will pardon morrow, the next day-I replied I thought I did; but this egotism-it is due to myself to release me from the I wanted to make assurance doubly sure to have the VOL. II.-24.

Sir,

SENATE.]

Cumber and Road.

(MARCH 20, 1826.

opinion of the tribunal in the last resort. I then agreed-ther they would reconsider it at my motion or not, which to accommodate my colleague, in the state of exhaustion motion nailed the bill to the table until it should have in which the House then was-I agreed to suspend my been disposed of. I mention this fact to show what unmotion for re-consideration, and we adjourned. The next principled men, "feeling power and forgetting right," are morning, before either House met, I learned-no matter capable of doing even in the presiding Chair of a delibehow-no matter from whom or for what consideration-rative Assembly-yet, notorious as these facts are, so that it was in contemplation that this clock, which is anxious was one side of that House to cover up their dehardly ever in order, and the clock in the other House, fection; such was the anxiety of the other to get Missouri which is not in a better condition-should somehow disa-in on any conditions, that this thing was hushed up, just gree that the Speaker should not take his seat in the as the suspension of the HABEAS CORPUS was hushed up. House till the President had taken his seat here, and then, The bill was passed through the forms of law-Missouri that when I went into the House to make my motion, I was was admitted into the Union contrary to the Constitution, to be told that the Chair regretted very much that the as much so as if I had voted the other way in the first inClerk had gone off with the bill-that it was not in their stance, and the Speaker had ordered the Clerk to put my possession, and the case was irreparable-and yet I re-name with the ATES in the Journal when I had voted Nocollect very well when we applied to the Secretary of because, sir, agreeably to the Constitution of the United State for a parchment roll of an act which had not been States, every member has a right to his vote under the duly enrolled-two sections were left out by the careless-forms of the House, whether these forms are wise or foolish, less of the clerks and of the Committee of Enrolment and my colleague and myself were ousted out of our right that act was, by the House of Representatives, in which it to re-consider, for which I would not have taken all the originated, procured from the archives of the Department land within the State of Missouri. of State, and put on the statute books, as it passed, not as Having given this account of this transaction, permit it was on the roll-and enrolled anew. It was the act for me to say that, without voting upon any principle, as it is the relief of the captors of the Mirboha and Missouda. As called, upon the subject of internal inprovement at all, soon as I understood this, sir, I went to the Speaker my-without calling that matter into question-without calling self, and told him that I must have my vote for reconsider-into question any "plighted faith," real or imaginaryation that day—I can only say that I inferred-not from unless I allowed myself to vote inconsistently with the manwhat he told me that my information was correct-Iner in which I have voted from 1802-3-I remember the came off immediately to this House-it wanted about time, because it was the only session that I lived next door twenty minutes of the time when the Senate was to meet-I to the Secretary of the Navy; and I was a fellow lodger saw that most respectable man whom we have just lost, with a gentleman whom I now see in his place-I may be and begged to speak with him in private. We retired to mistaken, but, (whether mistaken or not in the date,) I a Committee Room, and to prevent intrusion we locked know that few men in Congress stood higher than I did the door-I told him of the conspiracy laid to defeat me of at the time with the then administration; but I could not my Constitutional right to move a reconsideration stomach this thing-I would not vote for it. I saw the old (though I think it a dangerous rule, and always voted States playing what I thought a most ruinous and perniagainst its being put on the rules at all-believing that, cious game, and what, in the end, it has proved to beto prevent tampering and collusion, the vote to reconsider giving away to the States, North of the Ohio, immunities ought to be taken instantly-yet, sir, as it was there, I had and privileges, and making concessions, which they must a right to make the motion)-I told this gentleman that sooner or later rue-which they rue at this time, which I he might, by taking the Chair of the Senate sooner than then rued, and shall forever rue-even till "the day of the true time, lend himself unconsciously to this conspira- judgment," which some of us may wish to be with a stay cy against my constitutional rights as a member of the other of execution. I have no design, as you may perceive, sir, House from the State of Virginia. I spoke, sir, to a man of on the Presidency, nor on any other office which is in the honor and a gentleman, and it is unnecessary to say that he Presidential gift, or in that of "the Nation," whose power did not take the Chair till the proper hour arrived. As soon has increased, is increasing, and never will, I fear-alas that hour arrived, we left the Committee room together: I though it ought to be, and I wish it could be-diminishwent on to the House of Representatives, and found them in ed. I have persevered in this course, ab ovo usque ad mala session, and the Clerk reading the Journal-mcanwhile, there had been runners through the long passage, which was then made of plank, I think, between the two Houses, hunting for Mr. Gaillard-where is he? he is not to be found. The House of Representatives having organized itself when I came in from the door of the Senate I found the Clerk reading the Journal-the moment after he had finished it I made the motion, and was seconded by my Having said thus much on this bill, there is one more colleague, Mr. ARCHER, to whom I could appeal-not that subject on which I will touch, and sit down. In the Namy testimony wants evidence-I should like to see the tional Intelligencer, last Friday, I saw a piece signed Ixman who would question it on a matter of fact-this fact is PRANSUS; that is, if I have not forgotten my Latin, a man well remembered a lady would as soon forget her wed-that wants his dinner. This dinnerless gentleman is doing ding day as I forget this. The motion to reconsider was what the printers of the public laws in Kentucky and opposed-it was a debatable question, and the Speak- elsewhere are doing every day-lauding to the skies cerer stated something this way that it was not for him tain gentlemen, and libelling others; you, in particular, to give any orders-the Clerk knew his duty"-The sir. This hungry man, who stands so much in need of a Clerk went more than once-my impression is, that he went dinner-there is no man's appetite so sharp as his who is more than twice-I could take my oath, and so I believe to eat at another's expense who was the cynic, sir? I could Mr. ARCHER, that he made two efforts, and came back think it was Diogenes-who, being asked what wine he under my eye, like a Mouse under the eye of a Cat, with liked best, answered, that which he drank at another's the engrossed bil in his hand-his bread was at stake-at expense. I am not of that opinion at all. I like no dinlast he, with that pace, and countenance, and manner,ners but such as I pay for out of my own pocket. De gus which only conscious guilt can inspire, went off, his poverty, not his will, consenting, and, before the debate was finished, back he comes with the bill from the Senate which had then become a law, before it was decided whe

from the beginning of the feast-I fear I must say, to the beginning of the famine. I shall continue to do so, whether I commit a breach of faith or not. I shall vote on this as on any other question-if you can find an instance in which I have nodded, then will I agree that, with abler and better men, I too have slumbered on my post-aliquando optimus dormitat.

tibus non est disputandum, even between cynics, sir. So there are none so sharp set as those who mean to eat out of the public larder. I should like to know how long it is since that respectable journal, (for so I have always con

MARCH 20, 1826.]

Cumberland Road.

[SENATE.

sidered it to be,) has lent itself-this is the first instance of the States which it was intended immediately to benefit. that I have seen and to an insinuation of the grossest kind What is it, Mr. H. asked, that binds and connects this and degree to the honor of this body, and of its presiding great Union together? Is it a string of words and senofficer. I am not at all surprised to see it in the “KEN-tences, called the Constitution? or was it mutual interest? TUCKY REPORTER," or other papers of that stamp; but I am astonished to see that respectable journal lend itself to an insinuation derogatory to the body whose public servant it is. Nor, when I say this, do I mean to hold out any thing like a rod in terrorem-a threat. They who wish to stand well need not deprecate my opposition, as was proved in the case of the Clerk of the House of Representatives. And now, sir, with regard to those gentlemen who feed their horses out of the public crib, who never plant any corn, there is no country under the sun where they dine so sumptuously at the public cost as in this. There is no country under the sun where the inferior officers are paid so largely, whether absolutely or relatively, or with such punctuality as here; where even the superintendence of the Cumberland Road is a better office under the General Government, and has annexed to it a larger salary, than is allowed to the Governor of Ohio. I have said thus much, though I should have consulted my own ease and health by keeping silence. There is one member in this body who ought to be obliged to me, if no one else is, for the part that I have taken of late: for, sir, from father to son, i have proved the best conductor, the best imaginable conductor, of the inimical properties of that dynasty, and if the gentleman to whom I allude enjoys a temporary respite, he will have been indebted to me-not that he owes me any thanks-not that I have done what I have done with a view to relieve him—if he enjoys a temporary respite from the abuse of the satellites of the administration, from the abuse of those who are paid with the People's money to abuse us their Representatives, who are paid with our money, (the money of the States,) for abusing us-I say, sir, if that gentleman enjoys any respite, he will have been indebted to me for it; but he owes me no thanks, I can assure him-it was from no such motive that I have endeavored to take the bull by the horns-bull by the horns, did I say? No, sir: another, and very different animal, by the tail.

It would be an insult to this body to say, such was the fact. When had interest ever produced the continuation of an alliance, when that alliance was not secured by the affection and attachment of the parties to that alliance? Whenever the time shall come that these United States are connected together by no other bond than interest, they will then have tottered to their foundation. What is it then that connects them together? It is the affection that exists between the individual citizens of the different States; it is the attachment that the People of Ohio fcel for those of Georgia and Maine; that attachment which was manifested, and which led the People of Ohio to step forward at once, in support of what? Not their immediate rights, but the rights of their sea-faring fellow citizens in Massachusetts. Were they deficient in their duty on that occasion? He trusted no gentleman would say so. Mr. II. then proceeded to consider the question, of how this appropriation would tend to increase this principle of affec. tion, which he contended and insisted was the bond of this Union; and argued that, by facilitating the means of intercourse, it would bring the long absent daughter to the embraces of her mother, and the son to receive the bless ing of his father. Mr. H. said, he had seen a great deal of human misery, but he had never seen it in any shape which touched his heart in a greater degree, than in the emigrants to the Western country before the Cumberland Road was constructed. A farmer, with a fine family of children, finding a difficulty of procuring subsistence in some of the old States, and looking forward to their future welfare, determines to go to the Western country, where land is cheap; and he sets out with a little cart, and two poor horses, to carry his wife and half a dozen children; and, not knowing the distance, or the road accurately, his slender means are soon exhausted; the horses are unable to carry any farther all that is dear to him; he is broken down by sickness, and his children cry around him for that relief which he is unable to afford them; and, when he arrives at the place of his destination, he is separated forever from all those relations whom he may have left behind, But now, by the means Congress has given to level the mountains, and causeway the swamps, this poor man turns his eyes once more to the place of his nativity-he recollects once more the mother whom he has left; he returns, and is once more blessed by her embrace. This is no story, sir; it may be daily realized. By travelling along this same Cumberland Road, you may see persons in the situation I have described, who are offering their prayers to Heaven, and calling for blessings on the heads of those who have again enabled an affectionate daughter to be restored to a tender mother. Such are the facilities which this road gives, has given, and will give, that, aided by the genius of Fulton, the most imbecile man in St. Louis may hope to travel comfortably once more to behold those who gave him birth. It is on the confidence, reverence, The Legislatures of the States, through which this road and attachment, with which the People of the United is to pass, have, Mr. H. said, given up the right to the States look on Congress, that the prosperity of this Union United States to make it; not only that, they have re- depends. The word Congress-not the Congress of Panaquested it. One of the objections which had been urged ma-is an important word with the People of the United against internal improvements is, the right of the United States. This very road is called by the People, not the States to make a road without the consent of the States. Cumberland Road, but the Congress Road; and they reAnother objection is, that, to appropriate the money of member with gratitude and veneration, the venerable body the United States to internal improvement, is not one of of men who first assumed that appellation; and the men, the enumerated powers of Congress. The respectable women, and children, that travel along that road, offer Western States had come before Congress; those sove-their prayers to Heaven for that body who afforded them reigns came as suppliants, and asked Congress to lend on this two per cent. fund, which they considered as sufficient security, a sufficient sum of money to accomplish this purpose. The question is, is it an important purpose? Mr. H. said he considered the United States would be more benefitted by the construction of this road than any

Mr. HARRISON said, he could not at this moment, from indisposition, go into the discussion of the subject, in relation to the Cumberland Road; he regretted this the less, as he found those who had spoken on the subject, had avoided bringing into the discussion any thing relating to the Constitutional power of Congress on this subject. Mr. H. said, if he understood the gentleman from Virginia rightly, he had alluded to the gift of great immunities and advantages to the State of Ohio. If this was the fact of the case, that State had greatly misunderstood the subject. It was a matter of complaint against those who formed that compact; the People of that country all conceive the immunities to have been on the side of the General Government. The single concession by the State, that it would not tax the lands of the United States, was worth ten-fold all those advantages that any of the States Northwest of the Ohio ever received from the General Government.

this facility.

Mr. H. thought it unnecessary to detain the Senate longer on the subject, and would say no more.

Mr. RANDOLPH again rose, and said, the gentleman is mistaken if he supposes that I begrudge the People of Ohio the lands within the body of Ohio. I wish that every new