text of blockading the harbors of France and her allies, British squadrons have been stationed on our own coast, to watch and annoy our own trade. To give effect to the blockade of European ports, the ports and harbors of the U. States have been blockaded. In executing these orders of the British government, or in obeying the spirit which was known to animate it, the commanders of these squadrons have encroached on our jurisdiction, seized our vessels, and carried into effect impressments within our limits, and done other acts of great injustice, violence, and oppression. The U. States have seen, with mingled indignation, and surprise, that these acts, instead of procuring to the perpetrators the punishment due to unauthorised crimes, have not failed to recommend them to the favor of their government.

Whether the British government has contributed by active measures to excite against us the hostility of the savage tribes on our frontiers, your committee are not disposed to Occupy much time in investigating. Certain indications of general notoriety may supply the place of authentic documents; though these have not been wanting to establish the fact in some instances. It is known that symptoms of British hostility towards the U. States, have never failed to produce corresponding symptoms among those tribes. It is also well known, that on all such occasions, abundant supplies of the ordinary munitions of war have been afforded by the agents of British commercial companies, and even from British garrisons, wherewith they were enabled to commence that system of savage warfare on our frontiers, which has been at all times indiscriminate in its effect on all ages, sexes, and conditions, and so revolting to humanity.

Your committee would be much gratified if they could close here the detail of British wrongs-but it is their duty to recite another act of still greater malignity, than any of those which have been already brought to your view. The attempt to dismember our Union, and overthrow our excellent Constitution, by a secret mission, the object of which was to foment discontent and excite insurrection against the constituted authorities and laws of the nation, as lately disclosed by the agent employed in it, affords full proof that there is no bound to the hostility of the British government

towards the United States-no act, however unjustifiable, which it would not commit, to accomplish their ruin. This attempt excites the greater horror from the consideration that it was made while the U. States and G. Britain were at. peace, and an amicable negociation was depending between them for the accommodation of their differences, through public ministers, regularly authorised for the purpose.

The U. States have beheld, with unexampled forbearance, this continued series of hostile encroachments on their rights and interests, in the hope, that, yielding to the force of friendly remonstrances, often repeated, the British government might adopt a more just policy towards them ; but that hope no longer exists. They have also weighed impartially the reasons which have been urged by the British government in vindication of these encroachments, and found in them neither justification or apology.

But

The British government has alledged in vindication of the Orders in Council, that they were resorted to as a retaliation on France, for similar aggressions committed by her on our neutral trade with the British dominions. how has this plea been supported? The dates of British and French aggressions are well known to the world. Their origin and progress have been marked with too wide and destructive a waste of the property of our fellow citi zens to have been forgotten. The Berlin Decree, of Nov. 21, 1806, was the first aggression of France, in the present war. Eighteen months had then elapsed, after the attack made by G. Britain on our neutral trade with the colonies of France and her alles, and six months from the date of the proclamation of May, 1806. Even on Jan. 7, 1807, the date of the first British Order in Council, so short a term had elapsed, after the Berlin Decree, that it was hardly possible that the intelligence of it should have reached the U. States. A retaliation, which is to produce its effect, by operating on a neutral power, ought not to be resorted to, till the neutral had justified it by a culpable acquiescence in the unlawful act of the other belligerent. It ought to be delayed until after sufficient time had been allowed to the neutral to remonstrate against the measure complained of, to receive au answer, and act on it, which had not been done in the present instance; and when the Order of Nov. 11, was issued, it is well known that a minister of France had

declared to the minister plenipotentiary of the U. States at Paris, that it was not intended that the Decree of Berlin should apply to the U. States. It is equally well known that no American vessel had then been condemned under it, or seizure been made, with which the British government was acquainted. The facts prove incontestibly, that the measures of France, however unjustifiable in themselves, were nothing more than a pretext for those of England. And of the insufficiency of that pretext, ample proof has already been afforded by the British government itself, and in the most impressive form. Although it was declared that the Orders in Council were retaliatory on France for her Decrees, it was also declared, and in the Orders themselves, that owing to the superiority of the British navy, by which the fleets of France and her allies were confined within their own ports, the French Decrees were considered only as empty threats.

It is no justification of the wrongs of one power, that the like were committed by another; nor ought the fact, if true, to have been urged by either, as it could afford no proof of its love of justice, of its magnanimity, or even of its courage. It is more worthy the government of a great nation, to relieve than to assail the injured. Nor can a repetition of the wrongs by another power, repair the violated rights, or wounded honor, of the injured party. An utter inability alone to resist, would justify a quiet surrender of our rights, and degrading submission to the will of others.

To that condition the United States are not reduced; nor do they fear it. That they ever consented to discuss with either, the misconduct of the other, is a proof of their love of peace, of their moderation, and of the hope which they still indulged, that friendly appeals to just and generous sentiments, would not be made to them in vain. But the motive was mistaken, if their forbearance was imputed, either to the want of a just sensibility to their wrongs, or of a determination, if suitable redress was not obtained, to resent them. The time has now arrived when this system of reasoning must cease. It would be insulting to repeat it. It would be degrading to hear it. The U. States must act as an independent nation, and assert their rights, and avenge their wrongs, according to their own estimate of them, with the party who commits them, hold

ing it responsible for its own misdeeds, unmitigated by those of another.

For the difference made between G. Britain and France, by the application of the non-importation act against England only, the motive has been already too often explained, and is too well known to require further illustration. In the commercial restrictions to which the U. States resorted as an evidence of their sensibility, and a mild retaliation of their wrongs, they invariably placed both powers on the same footing, holding to each in respect to itself, the same accommodation, in case it' accepted the condition offered; and in respect to the other, the same restraint, if it refused. Had the British government confirmed the arrangement which was entered into with the British minister in 1809, and France maintained her Decrees, with France would the U. States have had to resist, with the firmness belonging to their character, the continued violation of their rights. The committee do not hesitate to declare, that France has greatly injured the U. States, and that satisfactory reparation has not been made for many of those injuries. But, that is a concern which the U. States will look to and settle for themselves. The high character of the American people, is a sufficient pledge to the world, that they will not fail to settle it, on conditions which they have a right to claim.

More recently, the true policy of the British government towards the U. States has been completely unfolded. It has been publicly declared by those in power, that the Or ders in Council should not be repealed, until the French government had revoked all its internal restraints on the British commerce, and that the trade of the U. States, with France and her allies, should be prohibited until G. Britain was also allowed to trade with them. By this declaration, it appears, that to satisfy the pretensions of the British go vernment, the U. States must join G. Britain in the war with France, and prosecute the war, until France should be subdued, for without her subjugation, it were in vain to presume on such a concession. The hostility of the British government has been still further disclosed. It has been made manifest that the U. States are considered by it' as the commercial rival of G. Britain, and that their pros perity and growth are incompatible with their welfare.

When all these circumstances are taken into consideration, it is impossible for your committee to doubt the motives which have g verned the British ministry in all its measures towards the U. States since the year 1805. Equally is it impossible to doubt, longer, the course which the U. States ought to pursue towards G. Britain.

From this view of the multiplied wrongs of the British government since the commencement of the present war, it must be evident to the impartial world, that the contest which is now forced on the U. States, is radically a contest for their sovereignty and independence. Your committee will not enlarge on any of the injuries, however great, which have had a transitory effect. They wish to call the attention of the House to those of a permanent nature only, which intrench so deeply on our most important rights, and wound so extensively and vitally our best interests, as could not fail to deprive the U. States of the principal advantages of their revolution, if submitted to. The control of our commerce by G. Britain, in regulating it at pleasure, and almost expelling it from the ocean; the oppressive manner in which these regulations have been carried into effect, by seizing and, confiscating such of our vessels with their cargoes, as were said to have violated her edicts, often without previous warning of their danger; the impressment of our citizens from on board our own vessels, on the high seas, and elsewere, and holding them in bondage until it suited the convenience of their oppressors to deliver them up, are encroachments of that high and dangerous tendency which could not fail to produce that pernicious effect, nor would those be the only consequences that would result from it. The British government might for a while, be satisfied with the ascendency thus gained over us, but its pretensions would soon increase. The proof which so complete and disgraceful a submission to its authority, would afford of our degeneracy, could not fail to inspire confidence, that there was no limit to which its usurpations, and our degradations might not be carried.

Your committee, believing that the freeborn sons of America are worthy to enjoy the liberty which their fathers purchased at the price of so much blood and treasure, and seeing, in the measures adopted by G. Britain, a course commenced and persisted in, which might lead to a loss of national character and independence, feel no hesitation in