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to the armlets which bear the name of Eteander, they may have been dedicated by the monarch who paid tribute to Esarhaddon in the seventh century B.C., if indeed his name was Eteander, which seems very doubtful. Or, what is perhaps more likely, they may have been dedicated by an Eteander who lived a few centuries later, for the variety of names borne by Cyprian monarchs was small, and the same one often recurs.

Our conclusion then on the whole will be that there was a current in Cyprian art, though poor and small compared to the noble stream of true Greek artistic activity. Beside the current lay the eddying backwater of Phænician art. And in our discoveries . the works of Phænician and of Cyprian are mingled, perhaps not undistinguishably. Whether this be the true account of the matter will probably appear in the course of future discoveries. Meanwhile there can be no question as to the value and interest of the new chapter in the history of art opened for us by Mr. Lang and General di Cesnola.

In spite of the cooling of over-sanguine hopes and the disappointment of unreasonable expectations, there can be little doubt that Cyprus will now by degrees recover much of its lost splendour and become a really valuable possession of the English crown. As to the value of the island as a field for archæological study there cannot be two opinions. In future years there will be many English officers in Cyprus, and it will appear whether our army has ceased to produce men like Leake and Yule, like General Cunningham and Sir Henry Rawlinson, no mere treasure-hunters, but thoughtful investigators of ancient life and manners. If such men appear, they will find in our new possession material enough to exercise all their energies, and opportunities for rising to the highest rank among archæological inquirers.

ART. VI.-1. Études historiques sur la Vie privée, politique et

littéraire de M. A. Thiers (Histoire de quinze ans, 1830– 1846). Par M. Alexandre Laya, Avocat à la Cour royale, ancien chef au Cabinet du Ministre de l'Intérieur. Paris,

deux volumes, Oct. 1846. 2. Histoire populaire de M. A. Thiers. Par Alexandre Laya,

etc, etc. Troisième édition Paris, 1872. 3. Francis Franck. Vie de M. Thiers. Cinquième édition.

Paris, 1877. 4. Histoire complète de M. A. Thiers. Illustrée, etc. Paris, 1878.

5. Conversations

5. Conversations with M. Thiers, M. Guizot, and other distin

guished Persons during the Second Empire. By the late Nassau William Senior, Master in Chancery, &c. &c. Edited by his daughter, Mrs. M. C. M. Simpson. In 2 volumes.

London, 1878. 6. Le Gouvernement de M. Thiers. 8 Février 1871—24 Mai

1873. Par Jules Simon. Deux volumes. Paris, 1878. PACON bequeathed his name and memory to men's charitable

speeches, to foreign nations, and the next ages. By few, if any, who have earned a place in history, could the example of Bacon have been more appropriately followed than by Thiers. It was and is impossible for his countrymen, hardly possible for his contemporaries, to do him justice. The living generation must pass away: the battle between republican and monarchical institutions must be fought out: the French people must arrive at something like a definite conclusion touching Imperialism : passion and prejudice must fade away, or take a new direction, before anything like an impartial estimate can be formed of the career and character of one who was by turns the champion of contrasted forms of government, whose destiny it was at one period or another of his life to be engaged in bitter conflict with each of the great parties that still divide and have so frequently convulsed France. Whilst one of them is comparing him for pure enlightened patriotism to Washington, another will allow him neither patriotism nor statesmanship. Fortunately they are tolerably well agreed upon the facts : i.e. that he followed certain lines of policy, that he did or said certain things at given periods. The grand difference regards the manner in which these are to be interpreted. Can his alleged inconsistencies be referred to any broad comprehensive principle ? Can the apologist of the Revolution of 1789 be reconciled with the historian of the Consulate and the Empire;' the promoter of insurrection in 1830 with the suppressor of insurrection in 1832 and 1835; the youthful democrat with the matured conservative, or the professed Orleanism of his best years, of his prime, with the republicanism in which he died? We shall endeavour to place our readers in a position to answer these questions for themselves, by rapidly recapitulating the leading events of his life, which will be found more than ordinarily replete with the kind of interest which attaches to political and literary biography

Thiers (Louis Adolphe) was born at Marseilles on the 15th of April, 1797. In the register of his birth he is entered as the son of Pierre-Louise-Marie Thiers, propriétaire ; but one of his biographers describes the father as a workman, another as a

tradesman, tradesman, and he himself told Senior, ‘By birth I belong to the people; my family were humble merchants in Marseilles; they had a small trade with the Levant in cloth, which was ruined by the Revolution. By education I am a Bonapartist; I was born when Napoleon was at the summit of his glory.'* According to another account, his father held the post of subarchivist in Marseilles. By the mother, he was related to André and MarieJoseph Chenier; and it would seem that the principal, if not sole, charge of him during infancy devolved upon her :

What a mother,' exclaims M. Franck, ‘was this cousin of André Chenier! How devoted, foreseeing, attentive to develope in her son the happy natural gifts which nature had bestowed upon him! She spared neither time nor trouble. She was his master, his professor, his Egeria. Left almost without fortune, on the death of her husband, she was obliged to accept for her son an exhibition (bourse) at the Lyceum of Marseilles just founded by an imperial decree.'

This exhibition was one of many founded by Napoleon, with the view of consolidating the imperial régime by imbuing the rising generation with its principles. The education being military, mathematics, geography and history formed an essential part of it, and in these Thiers so rapidly distanced his competitors as to raise a general belief, handed down by tradition, that he was destined for something great. He carried off prize after prize, and acquired at the same time, as much by his high spirits and gay joyous temperament as by his intellectual superiority, an extraordinary influence over his fellowstudents. A brilliant prospect was opening on him when the Empire came down with a crash, and there was an end to all the hopes and aspirations of those youthful spirits who were stimulating each other by repeating that every French soldier carried a marshal's bâton in his knapsack, and that every road out of Paris led to a European capital.

Thiers' marked predilection for military subjects, and his peculiar aptitude for dealing with them, leave little doubt that arms would have been the profession of his choice, had it not been thus suddenly closed against him. The imperial élève had no alternative but to adopt a calling unconnected with Government, and Thiers, now in his nineteenth year, at once elected for the bar, and started for Aix to take the required degrees in law. Then and there began his life-long friendship with Mignet; a rare instance of two gifted men aiming at and attaining the highest distinction in the same walk of literature,

eine hope that each other ton in capital military subito stimulatia marsh to a Eurilection for them, ling cho

* Conversations,' vol. i. p. 137. The notes of most of the conversations with Thiers appear to have been read over and translated to him.


Code Nince, all partistic mard, com

whose mutual sentiments of admiration, confiding intimacy and esteem, were never ruffled or clouded for an hour by a passing breeze or cloud of jealousy. It is true that there was one wide arena—the political—from which Mignet held aloof, whilst Thiers was winning his way to the highest honours of the popular Assembly and the first employments in the State.

They were in the habit of sharpening their intellects by constant discussion, and their joint speculations on the existence of a God are said to have been made the foundation of a treatise on philosophy more than half-completed by Thiers. Besides * Cujas' and Bartholle,' the Institutes of Justinian,' and the “Code Napoléon,' which formed a regular part of their course of jurisprudence, all philosophy—Plato, Kant, Descartes, Bacon, all the literary and artistic marvels of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, were studied, commented, analysed, with an inexorable conscience by the two neophytes; laying up treasure for a future for which they felt themselves predestined.' Thiers especially was at no pains to conceal his ambition or his consciousness of superiority, and he has been credited with one of those numerous boasts which, when once or twice in a century they are wholly or partially realised, are accepted as prophetic: like Nelson's saying that one day or another he would have a gazette to himself, or our present Premier's threat or promise to the House of Commons. Parties ran high in the law-school at Aix; and Thiers, who had become a leader on the ultra-liberal side, was wont to exclaim when the practicability of their doctrines was disputed, Well, well, wait till we are ministers.' He told Senior, “By habits and associations I am an aristocrat. I have no sympathy with the bourgeoisie, or with any system in which they are to rule.' This is in accordance with his early life at Aix, when under the patronage of Madame Reybauddescribed as his protectress, his adopted mother-he frequented the most aristocratic salons:

"He liked to impregnate himself with the air of other times that was breathed in it. The luxury of these old mansions, of many generations' standing, which the proprietors had taken pride in adorning with all the riches of art, could not fail to influence his artistic tastes. It is there, perhaps, that he learnt to compare and to criticise. It is there, perhaps, in the noble salons of the Coriolis and the Albertas, before some panel painted by Boucher or Fragonard, or some precious portraits, that he penetrated the secrets of painting to the point of becoming himself a very skilful miniature painter.'

It was a marked tribute to his personal qualities at this time, that he was made free of a society whose political tendencies were so antagonistic to his own, in which many shook their


heads and said of him, • Il écrit bien : mais il pense mal.' In fact, so strong was the prejudice excited by the freedom and democratic colour of his opinions, that an attempt was made to deprive him of the fairly-won honours of his pen. In 1819 the subject of the prize essay at the Academy of Aix was the · Eloge de Vauvenargues. On the earnest recommendation and encouragement of his principal supporter, M. d'Arletan de Lauris, a magistrate and member of the academic board, Thiers entered the lists and produced an essay which would probably have been crowned by acclamation, had the authorship been kept secret. It unluckily transpired through the indiscretion of M. de Lauris, and the board, mostly composed of royalists, unwilling to concede a triumph to an adversary but afraid to stultify themselves, postponed the adjudication for a year, during which the competition was to remain open. Before the expiration of the assigned period, an essay arrived from Paris which elicited a chorus of approbation, swelled by the voices of those who saw in it the defeat and mortification of Thiers; but when the sealed papers containing the names of the respective essayists were opened, the belauded and triumphant Parisian was found to be no other than the presuming and provoking young democrat of Aix. The second (the prize) essay, which has been reprinted, comprises a review of the leading French moralists and writers of maxims, Montaigne, La Rochefoucauld, La Bruyère, and Vauvenargues. The general conclusion is :

It follows that Montaigne is an amiable dreamer ; La Rochefoucauld, a melancholy philosopher; La Bruyère, an admirable painter. Vauvenargues alone seems to me to have given a complete doctrine on man, his nature, and his distinction.'

Thiers was received advocate (called to the bar) in 1820, and sprang at once into reputation by a speech, or rather by a mot. An advocate of Aix had run away with the daughter of a colleague, hardly sixteen years old, the Lothario being past fifty. He was arrested, and brought before the tribunal of Aix. Thiers, who was retained for the prosecution, enlivened the ordinary routine of professional pleading by an apostrophe, · You are not a seducer; you are only a corrupter. This mot, we are assured, did more for his reputation than the Eloge of Vauvenargues. The whole of the South, whose attention had been concentrated on the case, resounded with his name.' But the whole South, with its capital, no longer afforded breathing-room for the nascent statesman and historian, who had become conscious of his powers. He felt cabined, cribbed, confined in a provincial although applauding public. Mignet, similarly impelled, had already (July, 1821)


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