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Printed for

he use of the Committee on Foreign Relations

U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE

WASHINGTON : 1977

20-441

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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS

JOHN SPARKMAN, Alabama, Chairman FRANK CHURCH, Idaho

CLIFFORD P. CASE, New Jersey CLAIBORNE PELL, Rhode Island

JACOB K. JAVITS, New York GEORGE MCGOVERN, South Dakota JAMES B. PEARSON, Kansas HUBERT H. HUMPHREY, Minnesota CHARLES H. PERCY, Illinois DICK CLARK, Iowa

ROBERT P. GRIFFIN, Michigan JOSEPH R. BIDEN, JR., Delaware

HOWARD H. BAKER, JR., Tennessee
JOHN GLENN, Ohio
RICHARD (DICK) STONE, Florida
PAUL S. SARBANES, Maryland

NORVILL JONES, Chief of Staff
ABNER E. KENDRICK, Chief Clerk

(II)

LETTER OF SUBMITTAL

UNITED STATES SENATE,
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS,

Washington, December 21, 1977.
Hon. John SPARKMAN,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate, Washing-

ton, D.C.

DEAR MR. CHAIRMAN : During the period of November 27 to December 6, 1977, I undertook a study mission in Japan, Korea. and Taiwan under the auspices of the Committee on Foreign Relations. While in Japan, I had the particular pleasure of meeting our eminent former colleague on this committee, Ambassador Mike Mansfield. A full report of my findings and recommendations based on my discussions in Japan, Korea, and Taiwan is enclosed. I was accompanied on this study mission by my executive assistant, Albert A. Lakeland, who assisted me in the preparation of this report.

My visit to Japan had two principal objectives: to inaugurate publicly in Japan the work of the Japan-United States Friendship Commission (established pursuant to Public Law 94–118, 94th Congress) and to study the economic problems—bilateral and multilateral—which currently figure so heavily in the United States-Japan relationship.

In Korea, my discussions focused on two subjects: the proposed withdrawal of U.Š. ground troops from Korea and the issue of human rights in Korea; and the effect of these issues on the Tongsun Park case. I also received extensive briefings on the outstanding performance of the Korean economy.

In Taiwan, my discussions focused on the issues of "normalization” of relations with the Peoples Republic of China, the issues raised by the Shanghai Communique, and the Mutual Security Treaty. While in Taiwan, I also visited Kaoshuing, at the southern end of the island where much of the infrastructural basis is being laid for the perpetuation into the 1980's and 1990's of the economic miracle of the past two decades of sustained, rapid economic growth on Taiwan.

As is detailed more fully in the body of my report, I found an overriding interrelationship among developments in Japan, Korea, and Taiwan which form the bases of the U.S. security position in the northern Pacific basin. With best regards, Sincerely,

JACOB K. JAVITS. (111)

STUDY MISSION TO JAPAN, KOREA, AND TAIWAN

BY SENATOR JACOB K. JAVITS

Under the auspices of the Committee on Foreign Relations, I undertook a study mission to Japan, Korea and Taiwan during the period of November 27 to December 6, 1977. I was accompanied by my executive assistant, Albert A. Lakeland.

In a security sense and in terms of lateral interrelationship and support, these three nations constitute a unit which forms the basis for the U.S. security position in North Asia and the western Pacific basin. Japan is, of course, the centerpiece of that unit and the JapanUnited States alliance is the linchpin of the maintenance of peace and security in northern Asia. Accordingly, the three countries should be regarded collectively as constituting the key component of the western security border of the United States. This is essential to the security of the United States and is a vital element in the viability of the post World War II alliance system of the industrial democracies of the world.

The current problems in the economic arena affecting the United States-Japan partnership are preeminently the problems of success and should be addressed from that perspective. The problems affecting the relations of the United States with the Republic of Korea and Taiwan in large measure also are problems resulting from the success of previous policies. A weakening of any of the three elements of the Japan-Korea-Taiwan triangle separately, weakens the whole unit and could thereby undermine stability and peace in the whole of north Asia. Standing alone each of the three nations—even Japan, for historical psychological reasons—may be vulnerable to the application of pressures by the Peoples Republic of China and the Soviet Union. But, together, they appear quite capable of withstanding such pressures and, with intelligent and farsighted U.S. support, capable of continuing to be an essential stabilizing influence in north Asia and the world.

This requires the pursuit of a strategy of lateral support in our relations with Tokyo, Seoul, and Taipei, and for them with each other, to secure the objectives of peace and freedom on what is in reality the western frontier of the United States. The danger respecting Japan is one of isolation which could lead to a rudderless nonalignment; and the danger respecting the Republic of Korea and Taiwan is an erosion of self-confidence which could invite instability and disruption of the vital security system of north Asia.

Following the tragedy in Vietnam, we must define our interests in Asia and show that we are willing to defend them. Otherwise, we must accept the legitimacy of the doubts now entertained by our friends and by our potential adversaries alike that the United States either does not know what its interest are or has lost the will to defend those interests.

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