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papers, all of which are published in this volume, together with the perfected draft of the Amendments and Act.

The reports of the Committee, with the papers and the drafts, practically constitute the Municipal Program. It is presented to the students of American municipal government by the National Municipal League, as a contribution to the subject, representing nearly three years of patient study by a group of men of diverse training and views, selected without reference to party affiliation.

If we may be permitted to speak of the importance of this contribution, its reception at the hands of American publicists is gratifying, and indicates clearly the need for such a piece of work and the deep interest in the cause of better municipal government in America. With scarcely a notable exception, the press have commended the Committee's endeavor, and its recommendations have met with a most cordial endorsement. It was not to be expected that there would be immediate universal acceptation of the Program in its entirety, but the spirit of the criticisms augurs well for the final acceptance of its fundamental principles.

A YEAR'S ADVANCE-Clinton Rogers Woodruff ·

THE WORK OF THE OHIO MUNICIPAL CODE COMMISSION-
Edward Kibler .

PAGE.

169

188

THE WORK OF THE OHIO COMMISSION-Hon. E. J. Blandin, 199

THE STATUS OF THE PUBLIC SERVICE CORPORATION QUES-
TION-Harry A. Garfield.

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PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

FIFTH ANNUAL MEETING

OF THE

NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE

AND

SEVENTH

National Conference for Good City Government,

HELD AT

COLUMBUS, OHIO, NOVEMBER 15, 16 and 17, 1899.

The Fifth Annual Meeting of the National Municipal League and the Seventh National Conference for Good City Government convened at the Chittenden Hotel, in Columbus, Ohio, and in the absence of the President, the first session was called to order and presided over by First VicePresident Charles Richardson.

The Chair: In the absence of our distinguished President, Mr. Carter, it becomes my duty to ask you to come to order. Before we proceed with the business of the conference of the National Municipal League, I believe that the Honorable Samuel L. Black, of Columbus, has some words for us which we will be glad to hear.

Mr. Black: Gentlemen-Let me assure you that I do not speak the inconsiderate words of compliment, when, in behalf of its Board of Trade, I greet you and extend to you a most cordial welcome to the capital of Ohio. Nowhere throughout the length and breadth of this great sisterhood of States is there a city more deeply concerned in the work which brings you among us, than Columbus. We realize its magnitude; we recognize its difficulties; we are impressed with its serious import to the nation. The story of the solution of the problem of municipal govern

ment in America will include much of the political history of America during the earlier years of the twentieth century. It is safe to predict that unless these problems are solved the close of the twentieth century will not look upon a United States of America. Economic conditions, economic evils culminate in cities. The seed of disruption thrives best in cities. Crime of all grades is most rife where the struggle for bread is most savage-in the city.

The population of the American city is, indeed, cosmopolitan, and the framing of a plan of government to meet the ever changing conditions is a task well worthy the best effort of every citizen. Indeed, the fathers who framed the Constitution essayed no more difficult task than the one which you seek to solve. And the Board of Trade of this city esteem it a privilege to join you in your work. From this meeting, from your proceedings, and from your presence we hope for and predict much good, not only in the conception and working out of a uniform plan of government for the cities of Ohio, but also in that equally important work of arousing the people to a proper and intelligent conception of the duty of civic patriotism. We believe in the best system human wisdom can devise. We are for that plan of municipal government which will best promote a healthful growth, moral, physical and intellectual, of all the citizens. Yet the plan or system, however, perfect, will avail but little unless in the hands of intelligent and honest workmen. Honest and intelligent workmen will not be selected by an indifferent, dishonest or partisan public. The best system of government in the hands of the "machine" or "boss will avail but little, while the poorest system, backed by an intelligent, honestly non-partisan public will accomplish much. Laws will not make honest or patriotic men; but honest and patriotic men can make laws.

Back of any plan or system of municipal government, if it solve the problem, must be an intelligent and honestly non-partisan public. No plan or system can be devised which will relieve the elector from his civic duty. This duty he owes to himself, his country and his God. He cannot measure up to that duty unless he be intelligently non-partisan. His civic patriotism must not be that of the fanatic-the bigot; their ideas are most always so lofty and ephemeral, their methods so wanting in common sense, that they too often throw the government into the hands of those who have no ideals at all. He must not wait until the evils are unbearable and are enthroned. Revolution will not excuse nor cure his previous neglect. It is idle to the mass of good citizens to try to set themselves apart as not responsible for the shortcomings in municipal government. In the end it is just what the people will allow it to be. It is doubtful if in any city there is a machine so invulnerable or a boss so powerful that the united efforts of the decent, intelligent people could not and would not exterminate both in one brief campaign were they to adopt practical non-partisan methods. And where either exist and thrive, it is safe to conclude that civic patriotism is at a low ebb. Eternal vigilance on the part of the non-partisan decent people, must ever be the price of

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