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dis advantaged youngsters.

ings of the present study.

Their findings were in part opposite to the find

Langton and Jennings showed that political knowledge from civics classes increased more so among the black students, as did political interest and efficacy. White students in those classes gained more in increased political discussion behaviors and added use of newspapers, magazines and TV for public

affairs information.

The study reported here demonstrated that political knowledge did increase among the black students, but the increase was even greater among their white counterparts. It was the black students whose interest, politi

cal talking and news reading about state affairs showed the sharpest upturn. Why the difference? One plausible explanation may be in the relative orientation of more and less advantaged youngsters toward the television medium. The latter use television more, and specifically do so for purposes of social learning, e.g., to find out what life is like. This is not the same as the learning of specific factual information. The less advantaged child appears to be motivated more so to seek socially useful aspects of media content, so he has something to talk about and for interests to develop, and less so for cognitive learning aspects. This may reflect a difference between what one expects to get from a classroom and what one expects to get from television, however false the information-entertainment argument may in reality be. But the anticipated differences may be maximal between greater and lesser fans of the medium.

Obviously, only further research can test such notions. But, if these complementary functions do exist, it is most important to suggest here that the combination of the two modes of learning about public affairs should

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maximize political socialization among both sub-groups of youngsters and minimize sub-group differences. Effectively combining the live teacher with text with the nearly-live television coverage of government affairs should facilitate political socialization behaviors among all students, this reasoning would contend. All this serves to support the argument that making additional political areas open to television coverage, e.g., Congress, may make for a more generally informed, interested, and participatory public posture, commencing earlier in life.

Not wishing to serve as critics, nevertheless, this televised series was a first such attempt by this creative and production staff. A second effort would likely be even more professionally and creatively done. Interest and favorability toward the series could be increased, and the anticipated effects even more prevalent. One might speculate that these significant findings do not represent a maximal output, and that a renewed effort could be even more contributory to the political socialization of young people. Expanding the number of programs seen, incorporating classroom discussion, reading newspapers as well, all seem viable procedures for increasing the observed effects. In the experimental test of this series, none of these relevant activities were permitted. The effects for the series, as tested, are relatively dramatic ones; however, they should be interpreted as a baseline set of effects which could be extended for a more inclusive effort at political socialization.

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