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Mentions and times for McGovern ad campaign are very accurate, being based on time-buy logs provided by Charles Guggenheim. We were unable to obtain the same information on the Nixon ads, and mentions and times for these ads were based on other, available in formation. Thus, although reasonably precise, the Nixon ad content is not as accurate as the McGovern content. In Table 2, the content of the two advertising campaigns is combined.
• An additional issue (Nixon's Vietnam handling) had at least 10 mentions and five minutes of time but the position was not clearly stated.
Nixon's handling of Vietnam was also the subject of both ad campaigns, but the message from the Nixon campaign was favorable and the McGovern message unfavorable. Consequently, it is impossible to give direction to this issue. The issue will be treated as a "lightly covered" issue and will be given favorable direction in keeping with its treatment by television news.
10 For additional information on television news effects, see Robert D. McClure and Thomas E. Patterson, "Television News and Voter Behavior in the 1972 Presidential Election," paper presented at the 1973 Meeting of the American Political Science Association, New Orleans, 1973. 11 1 Although it must be recognized, however, that issue coverage in newspapers was substantially greater than on television news. 12 12 The fact that the gain for high newspaper readers is as great on the lightly covered issues should not lead to a discounting of newspaper effects. First, newspapers cover more issues and second, other analysis we have done controlling for political interest and education -- two correlates on high newspaper reading -- indicates that clear effects from newspaper exposure remain even when audience. characteristics are taken into account.
13 For additional information on televised political advertising effects, see Thomas E. Patterson and Robert D. McClure, Political Advertising, (citizens Research Foundation Monograph: Princeton, 1973).
14 The overlaps between channels are the following: Among high television news viewers, 64 percent were high newspaper readers and 79 percent were high television advertising viewers; among high newspaper readers, 54 percent were high television news viewers and 74 percent were high advertising viewers; and, among high advertising viewers, 58 percent were high newspaper readers and 57 percent were high television news viewers.
* See, Harold Israel and John P. Robinson, "Demographic Characteristics of Viewers of Television Violence and News Programs," in Rubinstein, et al, Television and Social Behavior (National Institute of Mental Health: Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 1972).
HUBERT H. HUMPHREY-MODERN CONGRESS ACT, S. 2992
Summary of Modern Congress Act, S. 2992 The Act:
(1) Creates a Citizens' Committee to Study Congress. This committee, consisting of four Members of Congress, one Executive Branch appointee and ten private citizens selected by the others, would have broad powers to study the full range of Congressional operations and recommend reforms during a twoyear period.
(2) Authorizes a study by the Joint Committee on Congressional Operations of the committee structure of the Senate, to seek jurisdictional reforms and improvements in the Senate's use of personnel and modern technological tools.
(3) Establishes an Office of Congressional Counsel, to provide legal services to Congress and its members including advice on pending legislation and court-related legal activities.
(4) Authorizes the Comptroller General to institute civil action against any Executive Branch attempt to use public funds in illegal or erroneous manner or amount.
(5) Establishes by legislative mandate an annual “State of the Congress" message by the Majority and Minority leadership of both Houses.
(6) Implements fiscal and budgetary reforms, including establishment of a Congressional Office of Budget Analysis and Program Evaluation, establishment of budget ceilings at the beginning of each year's budget deliberations, and other reforms including provisions for more openness in the budget process.
(7) Establishes a Legislative Review Subcommittee in each Standing Committee of the Senate, to perform oversight and related functions dealing with the implementation of previously adopted Acts of Congress.
(8) Creates an Office of Congressional Communications, to provide modernized internal and external communications and information services and facilities.
(9) Requires that meetings of Standing Committees shall be open to the press and public except when a majority of committee members vote otherwise.
(10) Specifically instructs the Citizens Committee to Study Congress to undertake a study of the possible use of computers in scheduling Senate work, including meetings of committees and subcommittees.
(11) Creates a Joint Committee on National Security, to conduct continuing review and evaluation of the many portions of public policy known as “national security."
Statement on Modern Congress Act, S. 2992
(From the Congressional Record, Feb. 5, 1974)
THE MODERN CONGRESS ACT OF 1974 Mr. HUMPHREY. Mr. President, in the near future I am going to introduce the Modern Congress Act of 1974, legislation that will help to transform Congress into an effective, up-to-date institution.
A 20th century Congress cannot be content with employing 18th and 19th century techniques. Yet in many areas of the United States has done just that. This is unfortunate even when we are able to work cooperatively with an administration which respects the rights and responsibilities of the legislative branch, but it can lead to a critical situation when an administration ignores or contravenes congressional mandates under statutory laws.
Part of the solution to this dilemma involves getting our own house in order.
There are many internal problems which we must overcome to strengthen ourselves.
Some problems to which this legislation is addressed include our failure to examine the national budget in a comprehensive, logical manner, our refusal to eliminate overlapping committee jurisdictions, and our reluctance to employ modern technology to assist us in our deliberations.
Mr. President, one failure which I consider to be of overriding significance, and which is also dealt with in this legislation, is the feeble lipservice we pay to the congressional function commonly known as oversight. While there have been occasional exceptions, in general the most we have done about oversight has been to overlook it as a major duty.
We devote endless hours to the tasks of considering and debating and passing new laws and programs. But the amount of time we spend seeing that those laws and programs are carried out in a way that meets the intention of the Congress is pathetically little. The Congress must keep fully informed of the administration's handling of the laws and programs passed by Congress. We must know whether those laws and programs are performing as we intended.
Our duty has not ended when we have passed a law or launched a new program. Our duty is to evaluate, recommend and terminate : To evaluate the laws and programs we pass to make sure they are performing as we intended; to recommend means of filling deficiencies in their administration and of correcting shortcomings in their operation, and to terminate those which we find have outlived their usefulness.
The only way we can fulfill this duty and obligation is to establish a systematic means of overseeing the administration of laws and the operation of programs. For this purpose, Mr. President, the legislation I introduce today proposes the establishment of legislative review subcommittees within each of the standing committees of the Senate, to conduct oversight functions on a continuing, daily basis.
The Modern Congress Act establishes other tools and mechanisms needed to meet the challenges that face the Congress in carrying out its constitutionally delegated responsibilities.
To assist the Congress in an analysis of itself as an institution, this legislation creates a Citizens' Committee to Study Congress. I believe that the Congress will have serious difficulty reforming itself without outside impetus. The Citizens' Committee will make an immediate and comprehensive assessment of the steps necessary to make Congress more open, responsive, and assertive. Composed of individuals removed from the internal pressures of Congress this body will provide the perspective necessary to pursue the reforms which those of us within this body sometimes overlook or neglect.
The frequent incidence of overlap among committee jurisdictions creates problems for the smooth operation of Congress. My bill contains a proposal to reorganize the current distribution of jurisdictions.
One area in which Congress has drawn particular criticism concerns the degree of candor with which it conducts itself. With the lessons of excessive secrecy all too clear, it is necessary that Congress open its processes to the public eye; and the need for this is nowhere more obvious than in the area of committee hearings and sessions. The Congress is an arm of the people, and the public has every right to be completely informed of the deeds of its representatives. Accountability is something which the public demands and which the Congress must preserve if it is to retain the trust of the people. My legislation provides for open sessions which will prevent the secrecy that has been so alarming.
The importance of having quick and precise information on the wide range of topics that come before Congress in this complex, technological, high speed age must not be underestimated. The quality of the congressional information and communications system has major and direct bearing on the decisions that we make in this chamber. The Congress must have these modern systems and devices if it is to gain the benefits that can be derived from the new information and communications sciences.
I propose the establishment of the Office of Congressional Communications to maintain a video-tape library of important public interest broadcasts, provide closed circuit telecasts of committee proceedings, arrange for each Member of Congress to be able to view such documents in his own office, and other measures to modernize the communications-information services available to the Congress. Not only would this Office supervise existing activities, but it would monitor the latest innovations in the field of communications to enable Congress to adopt a more modern approach in the coming years.
Congress has continually suffered from the absence of legal counsel to represent it in court proceedings involving other agents of government. This situation would be rectified through the Office of Congressional Counsel which I have included in my bill.
The Congress has received unfavorable comment for its failure to assert its equality with the executive branch of Government, and one major area in which this inadequacy is pronounced is in the respective uses of the television media. My bill would partially address this problem with the institution of a congressional annual report, or a "state of the Congress" message presented by the congressional leadership. By establishing a tradition of significance through this event, the Congress would have a valuable opportunity to increase its prestige in the eye of the public. And it would take this legislative body a large step in the direction of earning renewed public attention and respect.
The “power of the purse," the appropriations authority, was specifically provided to Congress in the Constitution. Yet, in recent years, as spending by the Federal Government has grown and its programs have become more complex, and as the Executive has exerted increased control over the budget, Congress has seen its "power over the purse" seriously weakened. The "policy impoundments of the present administration are only the most blatant example of Executive disregard for the Constitutional power of Congress over national spending priorities.
Title VI of this legislation is intended to reform our budget process and restore the appropriations power in Congress, where it belongs. It creates an Office of Budget Analysis and Program Evaluation subject to the supervision and control of the Joint Economic Committee. This Office would provide Congress with a much needed expansion of skilled staff to concentrate on budget analysis and the evaluation of Federai agency programs.
This section would also provide a congressionally established budget ceiling each year and a process to provide Congress with the accurate information needed to make its budget and tax decisions wisely. Title VI would also greatly expand official State and local government involvement, and that of the general public, in the budget formulation process of Federal agencies.
Other provisions in my bill would serve such diverse purposes as to grant additional powers to the General Accounting Office, create a joint committee to inte grate and oversee the entire national security policy area, and initiate a study of the use of computer programs to improve scheduling of the work of the Senate.
Mr. President, we all recognize that Congress demands change within itself. There are many reasons. Primarily, it is imperative that the Congress regain much of the influence which it seemingly has abdicated to the executive branch. This can be accomplished in many ways, not the least of which is by streamlining its own processes to gain greater efficiency. If the Congress can free some of its existing resources for more substantive efforts, or if the Congress can increase the resources at its disposal, we will be better prepared to discharge our constitutional responsibilities.
This bill will not be a panacea for all the ills of Congress, but it represents a concerted effort to attack some of the problems at the most basic level of operation which influences the entire organization and output of Congress. If we can do this, we will have more ability to hurdle the obstacles that the 21st century will surely bring.
SECTION-BY-SECTION Title I of the bill would establish a Citizens' Committee to Study Congress. This committee would be composed of the leading experts on congressional reform in the country, and it would also be broadly representative of all walks of American life. It would make an immediate and comprehensive evaluation of the changes needed to make the Congress a viable, responsive, open, effective, and coequal branch of the Government. The basic point behind the proposal is that the Congress will have difficulty if it depends solely on its own Members to suggest reforms. We need to have this detailed study and a program for action come from outside of Congress to obtain the fresh and independent perspective that is required.
The members of the committee shall be chosen by a selection committee composed of three members, one of whom shall be appointed by the President pro tempore of the Senate, one of whom shall be appointed by the Speaker of the House, and one of whom shall be appointed by the President. This committee will then choose 15 members to serve on the committee, not more than two of whom shall be Members of the Senate, the House of Representatives, and the executive branch, respectively. In the course of their study, they will perform the following functions: Consider the policymaking role of the Congress, determine the best method of congressional review and evaluation, examine the operation of the Congress itself and the factors that affect it, and other matters that the committee deems appropriate.
But their impact will not stem from a simple listing of recommendations but rather from a detached and hopefully objective examination of Congress. And through the committee's widespread hearings, a beginning can be made toward restoring public confidence in the Congress.
Title II calls for a realinement of the various jurisdictions of congressional committees. The confused structure of the committee system has long been a major obstacle in the road to constructive reform. What we need, and what this
bill calls for, is a genuine overhaul and evaluation of the numerous jurisdictions of issues within congressional committees. Currently, the incidence of overlap that occurs in the assignment of a particular issue area to a committee creates a great deal of confusion and effectively stalls the legislative process.
There has been no substantial change in the jurisdictions of Senate committees since 1946. But when one stops to realize the extent of change and new programs that have taken place since then, it is alarming to consider the stag. nation within the committee structure. The result is that jurisdictions over im. portant policy areas are now split among a host of congressional committees.
The budget, for example, is currently examined by over 31 committees and subcommittees. Public Welfare assistance programs are now scrutinized by three full committees and five subcommittees within the two Houses. The examples of similarly fragmented jurisdictions elsewhere in the committee structure are too numerous to recount, but it is clear that any clarity of purpose amidst this lack of coherence is at best difficult to achieve, and frequently impossible. Congressional activities on trade reform and the energy crisis are the best current examples of simultaneous consideration of a national issue by a number of committees.
I, therefore, propose that the Joint Committee on Congressional Operations immediately begin an examination of the fragmentation and overlap which hampers congressional action, and that proposals to overcome this shortcoming be given careful consideration.
Title III would create an office of congressional counsel. As we all know, the Congress has frequently suffered in its attempts to contest other agents of the Government who fail to comply with the laws of Congress. Without counsel to represent Congress in court appearances, it has been difficult to assert those laws which the Congress has passed. Recent disputes over administrative actions of the executive branch, such as the dismantlement of the Office of Economic Opportunity and the unconstitutional impoundment of funds, have resulted in a situation where Members of both bodies of Congress have found it necessary to pursue court fights themselves, without the aid of a congressional counsel. The Office of Congressional Counsel, however, would provide both bodies with legal counsel in efforts to bring suit against other agents of Government.
This counsel would be an independent legal adviser and advocate, and both the Senate and House would be able to employ his services in circumstances in which it is necessary to do so in order to assert the intent of Congress. Especially when an administration obstructs or intentionally ignores the legislation of Congress, the Congress must have access to counsel who can defend and prosecute when necessary.
Title IV would grant new powers to the General Accounting Office. One of the main factfinding arms of the legislative branch is, of course, the GAO. But the limitations that now constrain the GAO make it difficult to obtain information which is vital to the operation of Congress.
My bill provides new powers to the GAO, such as the ability to subpena information and the power to bring individuals to court. We must beef up the auditing arm of the Congress in order to acquire the information which the Congress demands to conduct its business.
Title V institutes a formalized "state of the Congress" report consisting of messages on the activities of the Congress just adjourned, currently done on an informal basis by the congressional leadership. I propose that the leadership be responsible to address the Nation concerning the initiatives, priorities, and shortcomings of the sessions just concluded. This address would take the form of speeches by both the majority and minority parties, which would designate speakers from each House. And they would be responsible for preparing these messages following the end of each session.
The message by the congressional leadership would make the public more aware of the operation of Congress, and it might have the desirable side-effect of generating more interest in the legislative process. Hopefully, this address will be accorded the network television time that is currently granted to the President for his state of the Union message. This feature would produce a status for the congressional annual report which it is now denied. Moreover, the aspect of tradition which will eventually surround this address represents another important feature, because Congress might then receive more of the recognition it deserves for its various accomplishments.
The numerous provisions of title VI establish fiscal and budgetary reforms long needed by the Senate. It calls for an Office of Budget Analysis and Pro