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On the other hand, some members have expressed concern that use of emergent telecommunications might further entrench incumbents and simply serve as just one more powerful political weapon. They note that the perquisites of office clearly give incumbents built-in advantages. In addition, incumbents generally are more newsworthy than potential challengers, and therefore are likely to get additional media exposure. 29

In the view of several congressmen and staff in the present study, and of this researcher, a basic goal of emergent public policy should be to realize whatever long-range potential the emergent telecommunications may have for an improved political dialogue. Emergent policy should be concurrently geared toward: (1) assisting congressmen (and other public officials) in better meeting their legitimate communication needs; and (2) achieving fair and balanced access to communication channels for all political participants, including incumbent office-holders, challengers, and representatives of constituent groups and interests (both public and private). One innovative approach to access allocation--the concept of "representative time"--is discussed briefly in Appendix B.

Perhaps the most important potential of emergent telecommunications

is to help promote a reaffirmation and positive reinforcement of basic political rights and responsibilities. Telecommunication already plays a major part in

29Incumbents may also have advantages in acquiring party support, issue information, campaign workers, and--perhaps most important when it comes to telecommunications--campaign funds. See, for example, David A. Leuthold, Electioneering in a Democracy: Campaigns for Congress (New York: John Wiley, 1968); Robert J. Huckshorn and Robert C. Spencer, The Politics of Defeat: Campaigning for Congress (Cambridge, Ma.: MIT Press, 1971); David W. Adamany, Campaign Finance in America (North Scituate, Ma.: Duxbury Press, 1972); Common Cause, "Total Campaign Finances in the 1972 Congressional Race," mimeographed report, Washington, D.C., September 13, 1973; and U.S., Congress, Senate, Commerce Committee, Subcommittee on Communications, Federal Election Campaign Act of 1973, Hearings, 93rd Congress, 1st Session, "Report on Political Broadcasting and Cablecast ing" (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1973).

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In the

American political life, and effective exercise of these responsibilities and rights increasingly requires access to telecommunication forums.30 unfolding Communication Era, new channels--like cable television, information retrieval, and the videoconference-- perhaps can provide the opportunity for improved access and help ensure that political communication will not be dominated by any particular individual, group, or organization at any level or in any sector of society.

Of course, as

recognized earlier, when and how emergent tele

communications become available depends on a number of uncertain regulatory,

institutional, and political factors, even assuming that conditions of technical feasibility and economic viability are met. And public policy on telecommunications can include many dimensions, such as: technical standards; research and development support; controls on ownership and operations; or regulations on rates and usage for commercial, educational, public safety, governmental, personal, or political purposes, among others.31

30See, for example, Bernard Rubin, Political Television (Belmont, Ca.: Wadsworth, 1967); Robert MacNeil, The People Machine: The Influence of Television on American Politics (New York: Harper and Row, 1968); Herbert E. Alexander, "Communication and Politics: The Media and the Message," Duke Journal of Law and Contemporary Problems 34 (Spring 1969): 255-277; Harold A. Mendelsohn and Irving Crespi, Polls, Television and the New Politics (Scranton, Pa.: Chandler, 1970); Newton N. Minow, John Bartlow Martin, and Lee M. Mitchell, Presidential Television (New York: Basic, 1973); and Jerome A. Barron, Freedom of the Press for Whom? The Right of Access to the Mass Media (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 1973).

31For discussion of public policy on cable television, see the Sloan Commission on Cable Communications, On the Cable: The Television of Abundance (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1971); Martin H. Seiden, Cable Television U.S.A.: An Analysis of Governmental Policy (New York: Praeger, 1972); Steven R. Rivkin, Cable Television: A Guide to Federal Regulations (Santa Monica, Ca.: RAND Corp., March 1973); and U.S., Cabinet Committee on Cable Communications, Report to the President (Washington, D.C.: Office of Telecommunications Policy, Executive Office of the President, 1974).

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For the future, public policy will most likely have to be tailored to the characteristics and potential applications of specific emergent telecommunication channels in order to ensure that basic rights are reinforced, that the potential advantages or beneficial effects are maximized, and that the possible disadvantages or detrimental effects are minimized. Further research along the

lines suggested earlier will be of fundamental importance to the development of such public policy on emergent telecommunications.

C. In Conclusion: The Prospects for Emergent Telecommunication

While the benefits and costs of using emergent telecommunications to address problems of congressional-constituent communication cannot yet be predicted with complete confidence, this exploratory assessment does provide a clear picture of the range of possibilities from the perspective of the

congressman.

Three of the emergent channels--cable television, information retrieval, and the videoconference--are perceived by more than half of the congressmen and staff in this sample as being potentially useful for constituent communication. Most frequently cited advantages are the potential to reach more people more effectively, significantly improve upon currently available channels, save time and energy of members and staff, and increase the level and quality of citizen participation and feedback. These channels are viewed as offering citizens improved means for learning about the Congress, acquiring more relevant information about the legislative process and specific issues, and communicating views and opinions to their congressmen on a more timely and informed basis. The interview survey also identified several possible disadvantages or problems in using emergent telecommunications--especially for cable TV polling and the videophone.

Mentioned most often are the possibility of: abuse and

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overuse (How can we ensure unbiased use, protection from information overload, privacy of privileged communication, and fair and balanced access?); people problems (Is there adequate constituent understanding and interest?); insufficient need (Do the emergent systems really offer a significant and needed improvement over current systems?); high cost (Will the emergent channels be cost-effective relative to existing channels and other competing priorities for use of funds?); reduction in person-to-person contact (Will the human dimensions of politics be further eroded?); excessive time consumption (Can the emergent channels actually help members and staff use their time and energy more efficiently?); limited acceptance (Are these channels consistent with the role and responsibilities of congressmen in the American political system; is the public ready to accept emergent channels?); and limited availability (When, if ever, will these channels become a reality?).

Such an assessment has not heretofore been made in any systematic and scientific way, primarily because of (1) the lack of the requisite emergent telecommunication channels within a reasonable feasibility horizon, (2) inadequate familiarity with relevant concepts and technology on the part of members of Congress, and (3) uncertain and/or undesirable political power consequences at least in the eyes of researchers.32

32See Kenneth Janda, "Future Improvements in Congressional Information Support," in Information Support, Program Budgeting and the Congress, ed. Robert L. Chartrand, Kenneth Janda, and Michael Hugo (New York: Spartan, 1968), pp. 47, 94; Janda, "Information Systems for Congress," in de Grazia, The First Branch, pp. 441-443; Saloma, New Politics, pp. 177, 230-231; Davidson, Congressional Reform, pp. 121, 166-167; and Frank Ryan, "Information Systems Support for the U.S. House of Representatives," in U.S., Congress, House, Select Committee on Committees, Working Papers on House Committee Organization and Operation, 93rd Congress, 1st Session (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, June 1973).

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As for (1), the feasibility horizon of several emergent telecommunication channels is now close enough, as identified through the technology analysis, to justify serious research on potential applications for congressionalconstituent communication. With regard to (2), the familiarity of members of Congress with concepts and technology relevant to the potential use of emergent telecommunications has increased markedly in recent years, due in part to developments in several areas of congressional communication and information support, as documented through the survey interviewing. 33

Finally, in the area of (3), based on the present study, the judgment

of this researcher is that the political power consequences of such applications can now be identified and, if used as a basis for public education and appropriate public policy decisions, the potential of the emergent channels for serving the public interest and improving democratic political processes can

be realized.

33While this research focused on external communication and information systems, the internal use of such systems--broadly defined--is under study and/or development by the Congressional Research Service, General Accounting Office, Office of Technology Assessment, House Select Committee on Committees, Senate Subcommittee on Computer Services (of the Senate Rules and Administration Committee), and Joint Study Committee on Budget Control, as well as by the House Information Systems Office (of the House Administration Committee) and the Joint Committee on Congressional Operations which were mentioned earlier. See, for example, U.S., Congress, Joint Committee on Congressional Operations, Improving Fiscal and Budgetary Information for the Congress, House Report No. 92-1337, 92nd Congress, 2nd Session (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1972), and Summary of Proceedings and Debate: A Pilot Study, Senate Report No. 93-294, 93rd Congress, 1st Session (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1973); statements of Robert L. Chartrand, Kenneth W. Hunter, and Frank Ryan in U.S., Congress House, Select Committee, Working Papers; U.S., Congress, House, Committee on Science and Astronautics, Office of Technology Assessment: Background and Status, report prepared by the Congressional Research Service, Science Policy Division, 93rd Congress, 1st Session (Washington, D.C.: GPO, August 1973); John S. Saloma, "The Quiet Revolution: The Development of Information Technology in the U.S. Congress," a paper prepared for the APSA Study of Congress Conference, Washington, D.C., October 1973; and U.S., Congress, House, Select Committee on Committees, Committee Structure and Procedures of the House, working draft, 93rd Congress, 1st Session (Washington, D.C.: GPO, December 1973).

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