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could have hoped. Unless affairs take some unforeseen turn, the Filipinos will resume the war this fall with fresh spirit and a replenished stock of arms and ammunition.
He states also that the leaders of the insurgents have no lack of money, that they control the resources of a large and exceedingly rich country, that they are levying tribute on ships entering several ports, and that the leaders are enriching themselves personally by this tribute money, "excepting Aguinaldo, who is generally acquitted of enriching himself by the present war." He asserts also that the Filipino soldiers are tolerably contented, although they receive pay rarely. They require very light rations, and live in camp as well as they are accustomed to at home in peace. The statement that the insurgents are on the verge of disruption the "Tribune's" correspondent considers improbable, in view of the fact that, although General Otis has offered thirty dollars for each insurgent rifle surrendered, he has received less than one hundred guns. The assassination of General Luna has, he thinks, left Aguinaldo undisputed leadership, and put at least a temporary, end to dissensions among the leaders. The difference of opinion in this country as to the treatment of the Filipinos has, he also declares, greatly encouraged the insurgents, and •' they profess to imagine that Congress will declare against annexation."
Official reports confirm
taRs:£six. the news .that a ,reaty
(or treaty-like agreement) has been made with the Mohammedan Sultan of the Sulu (or Jolo) Islands by General Bates, acting for the United States. General Otis thus succinctly outlines its provisions: "Sovereignty United States over entire Jolo Archipelago acknowledged; its flag to fly on land and sea. United States to occupy and control all points deemed necessary. Introducing firearms prohibited. Sultan to assist in suppressing piracy. Agrees to deliver criminals accused of crime not committed by Moros against Moros." Press despatches add that the " pension " of about $4,000 paid to the Sultan by Spain will be continued by the United States, and that General Bates considers that the $10,000 (Mexican) he took with him has
been well expended—apparently as a "douceur " to conquer the Sultan's pride, which revolted against using the American flag in his journeys abroad. Thus the United States formally receives an admission of its sovereignty over a large body of Mohammedan Moros, of a fierce and warlike race, somewhat given to piracy, but not disposed to resent the supreme rule of another race, provided a pretty free rein in local and internal affaiis is left to their own tribal government. That a new and peculiar race question will be implied in the Sulu Island occupation seems certain. Another race question of the future is suggested in the news that Chinese immigration into the Philippines has been barred out by General Otis. The Washington authorities say that this is not because of the exclusion law in the United States, but is a military measure. Just what is meant by this does not appear, unless it be that it is hoped by the action to conciliate to some extent the Filipino laborers, who share the California prejudice against Chinese cheap labor.
A German View The *eneral SubJeCt °/
race questions in the Philippines has lately been made the subject of an extended article by the German savant Ferdinand Blumentritte, a translation of which appears in the "Popular Science Monthly." Professor Blumentritte calls the Malays "colored " people, and thinks that one great cause of the hatred of Spain by the Filipinos was that the great Malay population was looked upon by Spaniards much as the negroes are by the majority of whites in this country. The formation of the Philippine Republic, as he calls it, is spoken of as " pre-eminently the work of Christian, civilized Malays and mestizo," because the Indians and negroes " have not the inclination toward civilization or that capacity for assimilation that is evident in the colored population of the Philippine Islands; the latter are shown, in point of literacy, to be superior to the Spanish residents of the Philippines." Despite this fact, as we all know, they were continually treated with scorn and abuse by the Spanish press and the Spanish officials. This, Professor Blumentritte says, has been building up a reaction against white rule for twenty years, and the hatred thus formed has been in a great measure transferred to the Americans. The final conclusion drawn by Herr Blumentritte may not be justified by his preliminary argument, but it is worth quoting as the opinion of a man who appears to be governed purely by scientific reasons in forming his conclusion. He says: "The European and American whites have not made a good impression on the colored Filipinos, and the Philippine Creoles feel as one with their colored brethren; there is no spirit of caste in the matter like that which existed in the old colonial times, but they all call themselves simply Filipinos, and the rule of the American AngloSaxons, who regard even the Creoles as a kind of ' niggers,' would be looked upon by educated Filipinos of all castes as a supreme losj of civic rights."
The Political Conventions
The Pennsylvania Republicans and the Nebraska F"usionists met last week to nominate the State judges and minor officials to be voted for this fall. In Pennsylvania the greatest interest centered in the adoption of a plank expressing the gratitude of the Republican party to ex-Senator Quay and indorsing Governor Stone's action in appointing him to the vacant seat in the Senate. Senator Flinn, the political leader of the "insurgents," opposed this plank, declaring that forty per cent, of the Republicans in Pennsylvania favored a change in their State's representative. The Convention, however, to which Mr. Quay was himself a delegate, was emphatically a Quay body, and adopted the platform by a vote of 192 to 49. In regard to National policies the Convention congratulated the country upon the prosperity attending " the establishment of a sound currency" and "the securing of proper protection to business industries," strongly favored the renomination of President McKinley, eulogized the conduct of the war with Spain, pledged the President "faithful support in the prosecution of the war in the Philippines," and cordially indorsed the acquiring of " new markets abroad." "We have ceased," said the platform, "to be content with supplying products for home consumption alone. We must keep pace with other nations in seeking new fields
for our commerce, and to this end we support the policy of industrial, commercial, and national expansion." The Fusion Conventions in Nebraska were completely dominated by Mr. Bryan, and the predicted disagreements between Democrats, Populists, and Silver Republicans did not show themselves. Ex-Governor Holcomb, the Populist candidate for Judge of the S.upreme Court, was nominated by acclamation, and each of the minor parties was allowed to select a candidate for Regent of the State University. The platform adopted by the three Conventions indorsed the Chicago platform, and declared that events since 1896 had shown not only the impossibility of securing bimetallism through international agreement, but also the benefits of an expansion of the currency. Not less prominent, however, were the planks condemning the "war for conquest" in the Philippines, and demanding that the Filipinos should, like the Cubans, be promised "independence as soon as a stable government shall be established, and protection from outside interference." The Philippine question is expected to be uppermost in the approaching campaign.
The plan of " concurrent" primaries has already passed from the field of speculation to that of experiment. The recent primaries in San Francisco to elect Republican and Democratic candidates for Mayor were held on the same day and in the same booths. The results were most satisfactory. The Democrats renominated Mayor Phelan, who has with exceptional courage fought the machine representing the worst element in his party; and the Republicans selected a candidate possessing in a high degree the public confidence. These results were especially important because of the large powers lodged in the Mayor under the new charter. In Ohio also, where a reform primary law has been demanded for several years, the plan of concurrent primaries has been put to the test. In the spring of last year, Mr. J. S. Glenn, of Columbus, writes us, the local Republican and Democratic committees were persuaded to hold an unimportant primary jointly, and the legislative committees on primary elections were invited to examine the workings of the plan. In describing the experiment Mr. Glenn says:
There were to be elected a police judge, three magistrates, and four constables, besides ward officers. The set of Democratic judges worked by the side of their Republican colleagues with the best of feeling. As the voter stepped into the booth he gave his name, and the party poll-book which contained it showed with what party organization he regularly affiliated. On the ticket given him appeared the names of all the candidates of both parties. The voter stepped into an inclosure and marked his choics in secret—the judge of his party casting the ballot in the party box. . . . The plan was found to work like a charm. The results showed a saving of $500 by holding the primaries conjointly instead of the usual way. This curtailment of the expenses consisted of reduced printing bills, single hire of police guardians, the renting for a single time of 88 polling-places, etc. Members of one party could not vote for candidates on the other party's ticket, and there was public confidence in the fairness of the vote and of the count.
The new plan was received in an unfriendly spirit by ward politicians, and was somewhat criticised because of its exclusion of independents from the privilege of voting; but the verdict of the public, and also of the legislative committees, was in its favor. The continuance of the agitation in Ohio, the adoption of concurrent primaries in Minneapolis, and their recent success in San Francisco, all seem to promise that in the near future nomination day may rank with election day. Certainly the choice of party candidates is often more important than the choice between them.
New York's Water Supply
The bold attempt of a private company to get control of the future water supply of New York was thwarted when its projectors were compelled to stand the ordeal of two weeks' public criticism of their plan. The public indignation was next to universal, and one of the courts has enjoined the Water Department officials from making the proposed contract on the ground that the new charter plainly contemplates public control of undertakings of this sort. Meanwhile the last report of the Water Department itself has been published, showing that the present water supply of New York City is more than double the maximum consumption—
680,000,000 gallons flowing over Croton dam daily, while the maximum consumption of the city was 285,000,000 gallons. As to Brooklyn, the " Engineering News" brings out a fact of hardly less importance. When Commissioner Alfred T. White four years ago estimated the cost of securing additional water from the Ramapo district, the engineer's estimate was sixteen dollars per million gallons to bring it clear to the Brooklyn reservoirs, yet the nearly ratified contract with the Ramapo Company specified the rate of seventy dollars per million gallons for water delivered on the northern boundary of New York, leaving the city to bear the expense of carrying it under the East River to Brooklyn. In speaking of the political side of the proposed contract, this engineering journal notes that only nine of the fifty largest cities in the country still permit the private ownership of their water systems, and that of these nine, New Orleans, San Francisco, Denver, and Omaha are either considering or have already decided upon the change to public ownership. In a great city a pure and abundant water supply is among the first of public necessities, and there is a perpetual and corrupting conflict between public and private interests until public ownership has been established.
«» . •> . , r, . •. Governor Pingree's
Water Rates in Detroit °
long struggle for "free water" in the city of Detroit seems to have ended in a substantial victory, unless the courts interfere against him. He began the agitation, it will be recalled, almost the first year of his mayoralty, and before the close of his often extended term had his proposition indorsed by about sixty per cent, of those voting when the matter was submitted at a city election. The vote was in nowise mandatory, and no important action seems to have been taken until the last Legislature passed a bill to go into effect on July 1, 1900. This bill—as outlined in the "Engineering News "—accepts the principle of "free water" for all household uses and also for the washrooms and closets in business houses. When, however, water is used for distinctly business purposes—-as it is in large quantities in saloons and in factories—a local " board for fixing rates " may make such charges as they think will pay the operating expenses involved. The remainder of the expenses of the water department will fall on the general tax levy, except that extensions of water mains must be paid for by the owners of abutting land—just as street and sewer extensions are paid for in most cities. Heretofore, owners of vacant land have had their property improved at the expense of the water consumers. Apparently the new law aims to levy a just tax upon the owners of buildings protected against fire and of vacant land enhanced in value by the water system almost as much as it aims to increase public comfort and cleanliness.
In response to an act of "££l£^" ** Leg.slature a year ago,
the Massachusetts Bureau of Labor Statistics has made a careful inquiry into the amount of Sunday labor now performed in the Commonwealth. It finds that of 1,075,000 persons engaged in gainful occupations, probably 150,000 are expected to labor on Sunday. Of these about two-thirds are engaged in domestic service, in which the conscience of mistresses often secures servants a free half-day on Sunday, accompanied by a free half-day during the week. The immense amount of Sunday work performed by women for their own households is, of course, unrecorded. The manufactories of the State, which employ one-half of the working population, perform practically no Sunday work whatever. Mercantile business makes almost as good a showing. It is only in news and transportation service that the proportion of men employed on Sundays is large or increasing. The newspaper offices canvassed report that of the 1,429 persons employed by them 811 work on Sundays—though generally for shorter hours. The telephone and telegraph companies report that their working force is 443 on Sundays, as against 2,185 on week-days. The express companies employ 305 persons on Sunday, as against 1,778 during the week. The railroad and street railroad companies, however, perform the great body of the Sunday work that has recently grown up. Not until 1881, says the Springfield " Republican," did the Massachusetts Legis
lature permit the Railway Commission to license the running of such Sunday trains as the public convenience demanded, including excursion trains at lower than the regular rates. Since that time there has been a gradual extension of the Sunday service. On the steam railroads the average number of persons employed on Sundays is now 6,718, as against 27,480 on week-days; and on the street railways it is 8,282 on Sundays, as against only 10,326 during the week. On the street railways nine hours generally constitute a day's work on Sundays, as against ten on weekdays, but there is no regular rest-day for the men who do Sunday work, and one can be obtained only, with loss of pay, on application to the management. This is certainly a wrong. The Legislature that permits Sunday work should stipulate that employees shall have one free day in every seven. It is unfortunate that the present report intimates that employees prefer a week-day for rest. If this be true, it is impossible to account for the tradesunion agitation against Sunday work.
Whether we will or no, our commerce has entered upon a new phase of its existence. It is no longer enough that it be sufficient for its own needs; it must now be sufficient for the needs which have come to it.
In their recent books on China, Mr. Colquhoun and Lord Charles Beresford show how seriously both British and American commerce are menaced by the closing up of part of China through now acknowledged foreign spheres of influence, such as Russia's in Manchuria and Shinking. Since their books were written, however, the welcome announcement has come that, though Port Arthur must be an exclusively Russian port, Talienwan will be opened on equal terms to the commerce of all nations. While this is a gratifying exception to Russia's general policy, it cannot be taken as indicating anything but her interest in keeping one port open to our railway machinery and material, which she is using exclusively in building her great Trans-Siberian railway through Manchuria and along the Amur to the completed portion from the west, which now reaches Lake Baikal. The entire railway completed and railway supply factories erected, Russia is quite likely again to close Talienwan to foreign trade. The recent history of the only other important Manchurian port, Niuchang (where within five years American imports have risen from fifteen to fifty per cent, of the total), shows that Russia is beginning to defy treaty rights there.
We cannot help being more and more alive to those rights in China when we regard the continually increasing importance of our trade with that country. It is not only a rapidly growing trade; it is a unique trade. In the column of gains made by non-Asiatic countries in their last year's commerce with China over that of previous years, we stand alone. Nor is. ours merely a gain where all others lose; it is a gain even greater than the loss sustained by Great Britain, the largest trader in the Orient. In one department, however, this transfer is specially impressive: no longer does Manchester compete with us in the export of cottons to China; we now have the lion's share. While in recent years our rival's interest has declined fourteen per cent., ours has increased over a hundred and twenty per cent., and cotton forms two-fifths of China's entire import trade. As to our entire export trade to China, it has increased, according to Mr. Colquhoun, one hundred and twenty-six per cent, in ten years. It is already twice as large as the German export trade to that country. Mr. Fowler, our Consul at Chifu, reports that at least three-fifths of the greatly increased imports into China during the past two years are due to the purchases from the United States. Last year's Chinese foreign trade was valued at between two hundred and fifty and three hundred million dollars. It has doubled during the past decade.
The specific demands from China for American products include flour and breadstufTs; raw and manufactured cotton; oil, timber, leather, paper, iron and steel products; machinery and hardware; locomotives, cars, and rails; sewing-machines, clocks, and watches; telephone and telegraph supplies; electric railways and lights; chemicals and medicines. If the maintenance of this trade were merely
a sectional issue, there might be a question as to the advisability of our making a strong stand, says Mr. Barrett (formerly our Minister to Siam) in the latest " North American Review "). The fact is, however, that China affords a market to arouse the interest of every section of our country. All the flour and timber, and a large portion of other kinds of food and raw products, which the Pacific States can supply are wanted by China, which needs also the manufactured cotton, iron, steel, and miscellaneous products of the North and East, together with vast quantities of petroleum ; " and there is no reason why a demand should not be developed for the Central West's great staple, maize, such as there has been created for flour." Mr. Barrett calls special attention to the declaration by some of our consuls and trade experts a few years ago that wheat flour would never be accepted in large quantities by the Chinese. The exporters of California and Oregon were advised not to try to build up a market. Yet the development of our flour trade with China is even more remarkable than that already reported for cotton. During the past decade the shipments, for instance, from Portland, Oregon, to Hong-Kong have increased sixteen hundred per cent. Mr. Barrett acutely says that the most remarkable result of the Spanish war has been in our becoming the paramount Power of the Pacific. We have assumed an unavoidable responsibility, not only in occupying the Philippine Islands, but also in our attitude toward China. Commercially our opportunities in China are greater than they ever will be in the Philippines, he declares ; therefore, while wearesetting matters right in our new possessions, we must not allow them to retrograde where our old-established treaties are being stretched by China's neighbors. We cannot go to war to prevent Chinese disintegration, but if we see that an ultimate and definite break-up there is inevitable, we must leave no stone unturned to preserve old treaty rights in a new form with the new Powers in control.
To the importance of taking as energetic a stand as possible in preserving our rapidly increasing interests in China. Dr. Schurman, President of our-Philippine Commission, is the latest witness. He has just arrived in this country after spend