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The War in Luzon Fr?m the Philippines the

chief news reports of last week were of a defeat of insurgents in Mindanao by the soldiers of our new ally, the Sultan of Sulu; of a threatened attack on Imus by the insurgents, which has not been carried out; and of an expedition to inflict punishment upon Cebu insurgents, or brigands, who had waylaid and killed several men, and are said to be intimidating friendly natives from their hill strongholds in the interior. From Washington it is reported that the naval authorities are urging an effective blockade of the ports of Luzon to cut off the insurgents from the supplies and ammunition which, it is admitted, now constantly reach them by sea; many small vessels are now available for the purpose; the only objection seems to be the possibility that the step might possibly lead to a recognition of the insurgents' belligerency by some foreign power. One additional majorgeneral and probably five additional brigadier-generals willtbe appointed by President McKinley for the new volunteer army which is being organized. General Funston, who is just leaving Manila for San Francisco with his Kansas regiment, strongly favors the use of cavalry in the campaign, a measure to which General Otis is opposed. He thinks that the insurgent armies will be dispersed within the year.


At the meeting of the Le«\r *!»"? of.the American Bar Associa

Philippine Question •*>«,. ,

Hon in Buffalo last week none of the subjects discussed attracted more interest than the legal and constitutional questions involved in the relations of the United States to the Philippines. Senator Manderson, of Nebraska, who presided in the absence of Ambassador Choate, while he declared it to be his sincere hope that separate autonomy might be safely had for these islands, added that we can surely trust Congress to grant it when the proper time may come, and that meanwhile " the plain duty that devolves upon this country is to suppress this revolt; with firm, strong hand put down this insurrection, and, when our sovereignty is acknowledged and our supremacy made manifest, with kindly guidance and generous aid lead these people of the Asiatic

seas to self-government." Senator Lindsay, of Kentucky, was equally emphatic as to the immediate duty of our Government. Senator Lindsay made an extremely able and well-reasoned argument upon the constitutional questions involved— the best argument, indeed, that has been brought out during the whole expansion controversy so far as relates to law, Constitution, and precedent. We quote some passages of special interest:

To substitute the control of the United States for the control of Spain in the Philippines; to introduce American institutions in the room and stead of Spanish methods; to replace absolute and unlimited power with the restraining principles of constitutional liberty, will not be to contravene great fundamental principles. It will be the first step in securing to the inhabitants of those distant countries the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It will be to the people of these islands the dawn of a morning which in God's providence will ripen into a day of deliverance from tyranny and oppression, at the hands of either a foreign master or a home-bred despot

To secure the inalienable rights of man, governments are instituted, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. To the want of consent by the Filipinos great importance is given. Their want of opportunity to express consent receives no consideration. We cannot presume that the offer of law and order through stable government to a people who have never enjoyed the blessings of either would be rejected could thev be afforded the opportunity to consider the offer and freely to express their will. Insurgent chieftains may challenge our admiration and arouse our sympathv, but they and their followers cannot be permuted to decide for eight million people whether they are willing to accept orderly government administered under the restraint of American institutions. Our forefathers did not take up arms against the British King for the mere assertion of the principle that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. Their claim was that when any form of government becomes destructive of the ends of government, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it.

The United States did not ask the consent of the inhabitants of Louisiana, or Florida, or New Mexico, or Upper California, to the cessions made by France and Spain and the Republic of Mexico, nor was it understood, when we assumed sovereign jurisdiction over those people, that we were violating the principle that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. Orderly government faithfully administered in the interests of the governed superinduces consent. New Mexico and Arizona have been governed as Territories more than fifty years, Congresshas governed the District of Columbia more than a hundred years, yet the Declaration of Independence is neither dead nor sleeping. It remains the thought and spirit of the Constitution, and continues to command the reverence of all our people.

1 do not claim that the Government of the United States is specially adapted to a colonial policy, or that its methods of administration qualify it, in any marked degree, to hold and govern dependencies in any portion of the world, proximate or remote. On the contrary, it is of doubtful expediency to hold colonies or dependencies at all, and such holding can only be justified by necessity. When, however, duty admits of no escape without the sacrifice of National honor or dignity, the necessity then exists.

Cuban Affair. In his proclamation of August 17 to the Cuban people, President McKinley announces the reason for taking the proposed census to be its value as a preliminary step in the performance of the duty of the United States towards Cuba. This duty the proclamation defines as follows:

The disorganized condition of your island, resulting from the war, and the absence of any generally recognized authority aside from the temporary military control of the United States, has made it necessary that the United States should follow the restoration of order and peaceful industry by giving its assistance and supervision to the successive steps by which you will proceed to the establishment of an effective system of self-government.

This seems to American readers as clear as it is just. Cuban newspapers, however, the press despatches state, interpret the President's words in accordance with their respective political wishes. Thus, the " Patria " and the " Discussion " construe the proclamation as a definite reaffirmation of the Congressional joint resolution, and as assuring the granting of independence at an early day; while the " Nuevo Pais " and the " Diario de la Marina " comment on the alleged ambiguity of the proclamation's phraseology, and call attention to the fact that the word independence nowhere appears in it. Of interest in this connection is the recent report from General Fitzhugh Lee, which, in response to a request fiom the War Department for suggestions as to the future course of the United States, recommends that as soon as the census is taken a general election be ordered for a President, Vice-President, and delegates to a Congress; that the United States should continue to garrison the island for the present, and should keep strict supervision

over the affairs of Cuba until a republican form of government has been adopted by the people thereof; and that "the future of the Cuban Republic shall be vested in the people and their representatives so far as it relates to the question of an American protectorate or annexation to the United States."

The Revolution in San Domingo

The resignation of President Figuereo, of San Domingo, indicates the complete success of the revolutionists in that island. General Figuereo, who succeeded the assassinated President, General Heureaux, by virtue of his position as Vice-President, is now in .turn succeeded by General Vasquez—note that the Spanish-American President is almost invariably a General. General Vasquez is the head of the provisional government organized by the revolutionists. It is reported, but seems hardly credible, that the assassin of Heureaux is a member of the Provisional Cabinet. It is hoped that the sane and reasonable course of holding a Presidential election will follow. That this will happen, however, is very far from being sure, as those who have power are prone to keep it. Indeed, it is a striking commentary on San Domingo politics that no one seemsto feel sure that General Jiminez, who has been the ostensible head of the revolutionary party, although he has been in Cuba, will not obtain the Presidency—the reason given being that he may find his subordinate, General Vasquez, now in turn his enemy and rival. There is no doubt that the success of the revolutionary movement in the island has been general, although there has been little serious fighting, and, for the present at least, the government established by the late General Heureaux is destroyed. The insurgents had occupied many towns before the surrender of President Figuereo, which gave them possession of the capital. General Jiminez again last week made an attempt to leave Cuba for San Domingo, this time from Santiago. He was promptly arrested by order of General Wood, but, according to Cuban despatches, was again released by order of GovernorGeneral Brooke, and will probably be in San Domingo when these lines are read. To observers at this distance it certainly seems that General Wood was in the right, as General Jiminez had been loudly proclaiming his intention of overturning the government of San Domingo, with which the United States was still in friendly diplomatic relations. Some of the representatives of the revolution who are in this country declare that the chief cause of the uprising is race feeling; that practically all the men who have been in power are negroes, and that the feeling of revolt among the whites against negro government is at the bottom of the movement. The leaders, however, are unwilling to lay stress upon this point, as the negro population in the island is so large; and they make serious charges of corruption against Heureaux's government. The currency question is also an important factor in the disturbances. The silver and paper currency of the island is greatly depreciated as compared with the gold standard, and it is alleged that enormous quantities of currency have been issued without any basis but the credit of a doubtful government.

Porto Rico

Governor-General Davis has sent to the Secretary of War a full report of the plan of reorganization of the civil service which went into operation about the middle of August. The object was to reduce expenditure and simplify methods. The State, Treasury, and Interior Departments have been changed into Bureaus and put under the supervision of a new officer to be called Civil Secretary to the Military Governor. The effect of this and other changes is to centralize the power more directly under the control of the Governor-General. Appointments have been made, General Davis states, purely on considerations of merit and experience and without regard to political parties. The Board of Charities has been also reorganized with a view to carrying out promptly and systematically the distribution of relief supplies. The central depot is at San Juan, with subdepots in chief towns of all districts. Reports from the towns in the path of the hurricane show that the loss of life and the destitution have not been exaggerated. In special despatches to the War Department General Davis renews his request for 1,000 tons of food weekly until further

notice, and says it will take $1,500,000 to relieve the suffering. He adds:

The most pressing need is for food, and the aggregate cost of all that will be required to bridge over the period until a new supply of fruits and vegetables are grown will be an enormous sum. While thousands of families were left homeless, their houses were generally made of poles and thatched. The places where the destruction was greatest are far in the interior, reached only by pack-mules. It will be next to impossible to transport lumber to those regions. Such lumber as has been shipped will have to be used near the seacoast, and the people whose houses were blown away must replace them with the same material as that destroyed, which they are doing and will do if the hungry are fed. If the charitable people of the United States relieve the hunger of all who would famish, a vast work will have been accomplished, and all that 1 think we should be expected to attain.

The report upon Porto Rico by the Insular Commission which has been studying the island's needs and possibilities for the last half-year has just been made. It recommends that military should give way to civil rule, and proposes a system of courts, schools, and public improvements based on American models. The code would abrogate, of course, the old Spanish law throughout. "It is a matter of imperative necessity," says the Commission, "that these people be speedily relieved from their present conditions and from the systems of oppression under which they have been laboring for hundreds of years. A horde of officeholders is eating up the substance of the people > the taxes, gathered from every possible source, are not used for their benefit, but for their oppression, and they are receiving nothing in return for the great burdens imposed upon them."

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very rich Democrats in the State, and his nomination is due to the power that his money and newspaper gave him in securing the support of politicians in various parts of the State. His chief opponent was Colonel James Kilbourne, of Columbus, a man of character, culture, and conviction, who, although a successful manufacturer, became a Democrat on the tariff question, and is now especially strong with organized labor, because of the generous treatment of employees that has always characterized his factories. Had the choice between them been submitted to direct primaries—as is now required in the selection of State candidates in South Carolina and Georgia—Colonel Kilbourne would have won with ease, but in the delegate conventions the rich newspaper proprietor who has always backed the machine was able to control. At the State Convention at Zanesville Mr. McLean was nominated on the first ballot, receiving 40254 votes against 227 for Mr. Kil. bourne, and 172 for five minor candidates. Largely because of Mr. Kilbourne's defeat and Mr. McLean's nomination, both of which have seemed inevitable for weeks, Mayor Jones, of Toledo, has consented to enter the field, taking for his emblem "The Man with the Hoe," and for his platform principles looking toward a cooperative commonwealth. How large a vote he will poll depends—unfortunately for him—not upon the personality of the candidates, but upon the anxiety of the voters to record themselves upon the National issues put forward by the great party conventions. The Democrats last week not only reaffirmed their devotion to the Chicago platform in general and the free coinage of silver in particular, but condemned the war in the Philippines, and demanded that " the Cubans and Filipinos be not only permitted but encouraged to form independent republics."

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of the trust because of the rise has been overstrained in many quarters. It is probably true, as the Armours virtually admitted to one of the Congressional committees, that the five great Chicago packing-houses arrange together the price of meat; but at the present time, as Secretary Wilson states, there are natural reasons why the price of meat should rise. There is a great deal more money in circulation than there has been for several years, and the demand for meat has probably increased more than the demand for more necessary food products. This, however, is the smaller part of the change that has taken place since the beginning of 1892. According to the statistics kept by the Department of Agriculture, the farmers of this country have been selling off their live stock faster than it has been renewed. The figures are striking:

Cattle. Sheep. Swine.

1892 37,700.000 44,900,000 52,400,000

1899 28,000.000 39,100,000 38,700,000

This remarkable falling off, during a period in which the number of American farms has materially increased, would seem to indicate that the raising of live stock has been even less profitable than other branches of farming—and for this the beef combination may be responsible; but for the present rise in prices, when an increased demand finds a depleted supply, the " trust " is surely not to be arraigned. However, there is much truth in the statement of New York butchers that there is an exasperating difference between the prices they pay for meat and those the Western cattle-raisers receive, and no little truth in the statement of the cattleraisers that the trust pays them less for meat than local butchers paid years ago, but charges consumers as much as ever. The present movement, therefore, to enable New York butchers to deal directly with Western cattle-growers deserves every encouragement. The California fruitgrowers, after a good many trials, have established co-operative exchanges through which they reach their Eastern markets; and New York butchers ought to be able, by similar effort, to reach their Western supplies. It is reported that the subscriptions of butchers to the proposed co-operative company have already passed the million-dollar mark, and they promise to make a firm stand.

In October Mr. C. R.

Preserving Place, of Ashb j, js U

Historic Interest '.

known in London as the founder of a school and guild of handicraft and as much interested in the preservation of ancient London, and who is carrying on now some of the work of the Kelmscott Press, which William Morris started, will visit America to rouse interest in the work of " The National Trust for Places of Historic Interest and Natural Beauty." Canon Rawnsley, of Crosthwaite, Keswick, who is known as a sonneteer and balladwriter, and also as the author of the "Literary Associations of the English Lakes" and "Life and Nature at the English Lakes," will accompany him. The " National Trust " was projected by him, and he has from the first been its honorary secretary, but the idea of it came from America, and both the lecturers feel that all that is needed is that the work shall be known to enlist the sympathy of their American cousins. The " National Trust," with the Duke of Westminster at its head, and with Sir Robert Hunter as chairman, and with a council of men and women well known in English public life, exists "to promote the permanent preservation, for the benefit of the nation, of lands and tenements, including buildings of beauty or historic interest;" and, as regards lands, " to preserve as far as practicable their natural aspect, features, and animal and plant life ;" and for this purpose to accept from private owners of property gifts of places of interest or beauty, and to hold the lands, houses, and other property thus acquired, by gift or by purchase, in trust for and enjoyment of the nation." The root idea was borrowed from the Society entitled "Trustees of Public Reservations" in Massachusetts, which, under the guidance of Mr. Sargent, Mr. Wigglesworth, and others, did such good work as to induce the State to step in and to create a permanent Board of Metropolitan Park Commissioners. A committee formed in each great city of America to co-operate with this central and representative committee of the "National Trust" could do much, both by its public opinion and its public spirit, to stimulate England to preserve its gems of scenery and its jewels of historic scene. Miss Octavia Hill, who is a

member of the council, writing of the "National Trust" in the "Nineteenth Century " for July, says:

The " National Trust" has not been more than five years at work, but we have made a small practical beginning which we believe will gradually develop. We have received from one lady a gift of a beautiful cliff at Barmouth; we have purchased a headland of fourteen acres in Cornwall, commanding the best view of Tintagel; we are appealing now for help to secure a wooded hillside in Kent, with a splendid view; we have bought and entirely preserved from ruin a lovely old fourteenth-century clergy-house in a ford of the Sussex Downs; we have purchased a piece of primeval fenland, to preserve plants, moths, and birds peculiar to the Cambridge marshes, and have received a gift of a spur of a Kentish hill commanding a lovely view over the country—this was given in memory of a brother, by a lady and gentleman who wished to make this a memorial to him. . . . Beautiful indeed! it is free for all time to the step of every comer, a bit of England belonging to the English in a very special way.

Discrimination Against Americans

The Inter-State Commerce Commission last week rendered two dtcisions regarding railroad discrimination in favor of foreigners. One of them related to the higher charge levied upon " export" flour than upon "export" wheat. The difference, says the Commission, is often four cents a hundred pounds, which causes wheat to be shipped abroad and milled in England, when naturally it would be made into flour here and shipped in that form. This unjust discrimination against American millers the Commission condemns, and declares that the rate on flour shall not exceed the rate on wheat by more than two cents a hundred pounds— the maximum difference in the cost of the service. The other case, however, was more important and the decision less satisfactory. It appears that the roads are charging half as much again for shipping wheat to Eastern cities for sale there as is charged for shipping it through those cities for sale abroad. For example, the published rates per 100 pounds now stand as follows:

Domestic Export

rate. rate.

Chicago to New York.. 17 cents 12 cents Mississippi River to Boston 21 % cents 12 cents

The Commission holds that " during the season of closed lake navigation the export

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