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He observed of lord Bute, "It was said of Augustus, that it would have been better for Rome that he had never been born, or had never died: so, it would have been better for this nation if lord Bute had never been minister, or had never resigned."

He said, "Walpole was a minister given by the king to the people: Pitt was a minister given by the people to the king-as an adjunct."

Having mentioned his friend, the second lord Southwell, he said, "Lord Southwell was the highest-bred man without insolence, that I ever was in company with; the most qualified I ever saw. Lord Orrery was not dignified; lord Chesterfield was, but he was insolent. Lord ****** is a man of coarse manners, but a man of abilities and information. I don't say he is a man I would set at the head of a nation, though perhaps he may be as good as the next prime minister that comes; but he is a man to be at the head of a club ;-I don't say our club;

for there's no such club." BOSWELL. "But, sir, was he not once a factious man?" JOHNSON. "O, yes, sir, as factious a fellow as could be found; one who was for sinking us all into the mob." BosWELL." How then, sir, did he get into favour with the king?" JOHNSON. "Because, sir, I suppose, he promised the king to do whatever the king pleased."

When the corn-laws were in agitation in Ireland, by which that country has been enabled not only to feed itself, but to export corn to a large amount, sir Thomas Robinson observed, that those laws might be prejudicial to the corn trade of England.

"Sir Thomas," said he," you talk the language of a savage: what, sir! would you prevent any people from feeding themselves, if by any honest means they can do it?"

BOSWELL."Pray, Mr. Dilly, how does Dr. Leland's History of Ireland sell ?" JOHNSON. (bursting forth with a generous indignation,) "The Irish are in a most unnatural state; for we see there the minority prevailing over the majority. There is no instance, even in the ten persecutions, of such severity as that which the Protestants of Ireland have exercised against the Catholics. Did we tell them we have conquered them, it would be above board: to punish them by confiscation and other penalties, as rebels, was monstrous injustice. King William was not their lawful sovereign: he had not been acknowledged by the parliament of Ireland, when they appeared in arms against him."

He said, "The duration of parliament, whether for seven years or the life of the king, appears to me so immaterial, that I would not give a half crown to turn the scale one way or the other. The habeas corpus is the single advantage which our government has over that of other countries."

He observed, that "The statutes against bribery were intended to prevent upstarts with money from getting into parliament;" adding, that "if he were a gentleman of landed property, he would turn out all his tenants who did not vote for the candidate whom he supported." LANGTON. "Would it not, sir, be checking the freedom of election?". JOHNSON. "Sir, the law does not mean that the privi. lege of voting should be independent of old fa

mily interest; of the permanent property of the country.

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The following conversation took place between a company of eminent men, of which Johnson was

one.

E. "We hear prodigious complaints at present of emigration. I am convinced that emigration makes a country more populous." J. "That sounds very much like a paradox." E. "Exportation of men, like exportation of all other commodities, makes more be produced." JOHNSON. "But there would be more people were there not emigration, provided there were food for more." E. "No; leave a few breeders, and you'll have more people than if there were no emigration." JOHNSON. "Nay, sir, it is plain there will be more people if there are more breed ers. Thirty cows in good pasture will produce more calves than ten cows, provided they have good bulls." E. "There are bulls enough in Ireland." JOHNSON. (smiling.) "So, sir, I should think, from your argument." BOSWELL. "You said, exportation of men, like exportation of other commodities, makes more be produced: but a bounty is given to encourage the exportation of corn, and no bounty is given for the exportation of men; though, indeed, those who go gain by it." R. "But the bounty on the exportation of corn is paid at home." E. "That's the same thing." JOHNSON. "No, sir." R. "A man who stays at home, gains nothing by his neighbour's emi. grating." BoSWELL. "I can understand that emigration may be the cause that more people may be

* A ready mode of emancipating ourselves from a law we do not like.-Ed.

produced in a country; but the country will not therefore be the more populous; for the people is, sue from it it can only be said, that there is a flow of people. It is an encouragement to have children, to know that they can get a living by emi. gration." R. "Yes, if there were an emigration of children under six years of age: but they don't emigrate till they could earn their livelihood in some way at home." C." It is remarkable, that the most unhealthy countries, where there are the most destructive diseases, such as Egypt and Bengal, are the most populous." JOHNSON. "Countries which are the most populous have the most destructive diseases. That is the true state of the proposition." C. "Holland is very unhealthy, yet it is exceedingly populous." JOHNSON. "I know not that Holland is unhealthy; but its populousness is owing to au influx of people from all other countries. Disease cannot be the cause of populousness; for it not only carries off a great proportion of the people, but those who are left are weakened, and unfit for the purposes of increase."

Johnson's notion of the duty of a member of parliament, sitting upon an election committee, was very high; and when he was told of a gentleman, upon one of those committees, who read the newspapers part of the time, and slept the rest, while the merits of a vote were examined by the counsel; and as an excuse, when challenged by the chairman for such behaviour, bluntly answered, “ I had made up my mind upon that case ;"-Johnson, with an indignant contempt, said, "If he was such a rogue as to make up his mind upon a case without hearing it, he should not have been such a fool as to tell it."

"the

"I think," said Mr. Dudley Long, now North, doctor has pretty plainly made him out to be both rogue and fool."

R." Mr. E. I don't mean to flatter; but when posterity reads one of your speeches in parliament, it will be difficult to believe that you took so much pains, knowing with certainty, that it could produce no effect-that not one vote would be gained by it." E. "Waving your compliment to me, I shall say, in general, that it is very well worth while for a man to take pains to speak well in parliament. A man, who has vanity, speaks to display his talents; and, if a man speaks well, he gradually establishes a certain reputation and consequence in the general opinion, which sooner or later will have its political reward. Besides, though not one vote is gained, a good speech has its effect. Though an act which has been ably opposed passes into a law, yet in its progress it is modelled, it is softened in such a manner, that we see plainly the minister has been told, that the members attached to him are so sensible of its injustice or absurdity, from what they have heard, that it must be altered." JOHNSON. "And, sir, there is a gratification of pride. Though we cannot out-vote them, we will out argue them. They shall not do wrong, without its being shown both to themselves and to the world." E. "The house of commons is a mixed body. (I except the minority, which I hold to be pure [smiling]; but I take the whole house.) It is a mass by no means pure; but neither is it wholly corrupt, though there is a large proportion of corruption in it. There are many members who generally go with the minister, who will not go all lengths. There are many honest,

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