the abolition of the monopolies of land and capital, which create the extremes of poverty and riches; of the vested interests which maintain the drink traffic; of the want and luxury which propagate sexual immorality; and of the legal violence which compels one man to do the will of another." It has on its staff a practised expositor of Socialism in J. C. Kenworthy.

We pass to the monthlies. The Labour Elector has appeared monthly instead of weekly since May, owing to the illness of its chief conductor, Mr. H. H. Champion, a man of strong individuality who has long taken an active part in socialistic and labour movements. It is exceptionally free, for a socialistic publication, from visionariness; shows no prejudice in favour of popular politicians; and is candid to excess, perhaps, in pointing out the weaknesses and faults of the "friends of Labour." Its claim to "treat of all important Labour questions from an absolutely independent point of view" is not likely to be challenged by any one; but it may, perhaps, be thought that it also treats of all Labour leaders, except Mr. Champion, too much de haut en bas. It does not expend much of its strength in direct socialistic propagandism.

The Labour Prophet, the organ of the Labour Church, is edited by John Trevor, and published at Manchester. The Labour Leader is edited by Keir Hardie, M.P., and published at Dumfries. Land and Labor is the organ of the Land Nationalisation Society.

Brotherhood, a Magazine of Social Progress, is in its seventh year. It is owing to the self-sacrifice of its editor, Mr. J. Bruce Wallace, M.A., of Brotherhood Church, that it has attained this age. In May of the present year there was incorporated with it The Nationalization News: the Journal of the Nationalization of Labour Society, established to Promote the System Proposed in "Looking Backward." The Christian Socialist had been previously amalgamated with it. It aims at propagating the principles of Universal Brotherhood and Industrial Co-operation upon a national and religious basis, and demands of those who reject Socialism to show them "some more fraternal social system, some fuller practical recognition of what is associated in the Divine All-Fatherhood." The group of Socialists represented by Brotherhood is characterised by faith in Mr. Bellamy and in home cooperative colonies.

The Church Reformer, edited by the Rev. Stewart D. Headlam, is (only in part) the organ of the Guild of St. Matthew. This Guild, founded by Mr. Headlam, has for objects:-"1. To get rid, by every possible means, of the existing prejudices, especially on the part of secularists,' against the Church, her Sacraments and Doctrines; and to endeavour to justify God to the people.' 2. To promote frequent and reverent worship in the Holy Communion, and a better observance of the teaching of the Church of England as set forth in the Book of Common Prayer. 3. To promote the study of Social and Political Questions in the light of the Incarnation." If the views of the members of the Guild are even in general accordance with those of the editor and chief contributors to The Church Reformer there can be no more reasonable doubt of the genuineness of their Socialism than of their Sacerdotalism. Mr. Headlam and his friends are naturally much occupied at present with the question of Disestablishment. They oppose the Disestablishment policy of the Liberationists, not only on the ground of its selfishness and unspirituality, but also of its inadequacy and incompleteness. What they themselves demand is a liberation of the Church from Mammon and Caste ; that the Church shall be treated as a universal brotherhood of equals, a spiritual democracy, in which all baptised are entitled to a share in the election of their bishops and clergy; that patronage in all forms shall be abolished; and that all endowments and property shall be nationalised without any distinction between Church or other property, or between the property of one Church and another. Landowners they would get rid of by taxation which is to rise by degrees till it reaches 208. in the pound. "As for compensation," says Mr. Headlam, "from the point of view of the highest Christian morality, it is the landlords who should compensate the people, not the people the landlords. But practically, if you carry out this reform by taxation, no compensation would be necessary or even possible" ("Christian Socialism," P. 14).

Positivism claims to be the truest and completest form of Socialism; and so I may here mention The Positivist Review, published since the beginning of the present year, and containing in each number a contribution by Frederic Harrison, by Dr. Bridges, and by its editor, Professor Beesly.

There is a quarterly periodical, Seed-Time, which is mildly and vaguely socialistic. It is the organ of the New Fellowship, a society which has arisen from the personal and literary influence of Mr. Edward Carpenter, author of "Towards Democracy," "England's Ideal," &c. The general aim of the New Fellowship is one with which few men will fail to sympathise; it is truly to socialise the world by truly humanising it. Its central thought can hardly be better expressed than in the following sentence of Mr. Maurice Adams: "The greatest aid we can render towards the abolition of despotism, and the establishment of a true democracy, both in the home and in the State, is to allow the New Spirit of Solidarity and Fellowship to have full possession of our being, so that it may, as Walter Besant has so happily expressed it, 'destroy respect and build up reverence;' to allow free play to our sympathy with every human being, that the thought of his subjection or degradation may be as intolerable to us as that of our own; to give our full allegiance to the great truth that only in mutual service and comradeship can we ever realise life's deepest joy." The members of the New Fellowship are obviously good, cultured, high-minded men and women, deeply imbued with the sentiments and ideas which are the inspiration and essence of the writings of Ruskin, Thoreau, and Tolstoi, of Wordsworth, Browning, and Tennyson. Seed-Time, like Brotherhood, has advocated the formation of industrial villages for the able-bodied poor.

The Social Outlook is an occasional magazine, edited by the Rev. Herbert V. Mills, Honorary Secretary of the Home Colonisation Society. The attempt made at Starnthwaite, under the direction of Mr. Mills, ended in May last in forced evictions.

The socialistic periodicals mentioned above are all those known to me, but there may quite possibly be others. There are certainly not a few newspapers and journals which show a bias towards Socialism.

The Fabian Society, founded in 1883, does not maintain an official journal, but it is active in issuing tracts. Its leading members, although nebulous thinkers, are fluent speakers and expert writers, and well known as popular lecturers and essayists.

The strength of Socialism in Britain lies mainly in London.

Socialism does not appear to be flourishing in Scotland. There are, however, socialist societies in Edinburgh, Glasgow, Aberdeen, and Dundee. In Ireland Socialism has hardly yet made itself felt. This is, of course, because in Ireland only the Land Question has been of late agitated. When the Labour Question emerges Socialism will appear, probably in a very bad form.

British Socialism has an extraordinary number of officers relatively to privates. Many of them are able, and some of them are distinguished men; but no general or commander, no man of great organising and guiding genius has yet appeared among them.

The best account of the development of Socialism in this country is Sidney Webb's "Socialism in England," 1890. Mr. Webb is a prominent member of the Fabian Society.*

* The foregoing note was written in June 1893, and the author holds himself responsible only for its correctness at that date. There is probably no portion of the periodical press in which comparatively so many changes occur as the socialistic. The Commonweal has reappeared, and The Labour Leader is now published in London and Glasgow.

The German socialistic periodicals are much more numerous than the British, and the French still more numerous than the German. German anarchist journals have been for the most part published in London and in the United States. The Arbeiterfreund (printed in Hebrew characters), the Autonomie, anarchistisches, kommunistisches Organ, and the Freiheit, internationales Organ der Anarchisten deutscher Sprache, are among those which have been printed in London.

The French anarchist journals are numerous, and generally of the most mischievous character. Among those which have appeared during the last ten or twelve years are L'Affamé, L'Alarme, L'Audace, La Bataille, Ça ira, Le Défi, Le Drapeau Noir, Le Drapeau Rouge, Le Droit anarchique, L'Emeute, Le Forçat du Travail, L'Hydre anarchiste, L'Internatalanarchiste, La Lutte sociale, La Revolte, Le Revolté, La Revue anarchiste, La Revue Antipatriotique, and La Vengeance anarchiste.

During the last few years Socialism has been making rapid progress in France. Whereas in the elections of 1889 the Socialist votes amounted to only 90,000, in 1893 they numbered 500,000, of which 226,000 were from Paris alone. The Socialists in the Chamber of Deputies are consequently now able to play as preponderating a role as do the Irish Nationalists in our own House of Commons.

CHAPTER III.

COMMUNISM, COLLECTIVISM, AND

STATE INTERVENTION.

THE two chief forms of Socialism are Communism and Collectivism. Both are clearly included in Socialism, and they are easily distinguishable. It is unnecessary to say much regarding the first. The second is the only kind of Socialism which is very formidable, and, consequently, the only kind which urgently requires to be discussed.

Communism is related to Socialism as a species to its genus. All Communists are Socialists, but all Socialists are not Communists. Perhaps all Socialism tends to Communism. Socialism revolts against the inequalities of condition which result from the exercise of liberty. But why should it stop short, or where, in opposing them, can it stop short, of the complete equality of conditions in which Communism consists? Only when property is left undivided, when it is held and enjoyed by the members of a society in common, is there equality of condition.

It is often said that Communism is impracticable. In reality it is the form of Socialism which is far the most easily, and has been far the most frequently, practised. Communistic societies have existed