Ghuznee regiment, and of a flank company 13th light infantry, under the command of A.D. 1839. Lieutenant-colonel Dennie, C.B." "The main column will consist of H.M.'s 2d regiment of foot; of the (47th) European regiment, with the remainder of H.M.'s Assault of 13th light infantry formed as skirmishers on the flanks; the latter will push resolved on. into the fort with the rear of the main column. H.M.'s 17th regiment will be formed in support, and will follow the storming party into the works." "The whole must quit their respective encampments in columns of companies at quarter distance, right in front, so as to insure their arrival at the place appointed for the rendezvous by two o'clock A M." "At half-past twelve o'clock the companies of the 13th light infantry, intended to act as skirmishers, will move up to cover in front of the gateway, and be ready to keep down any fire on the party of engineers who proceed to blow it open; this last party will move up to the gateway before daybreak, followed slowly, and at some distance, by the assaulting column. On the chief engineer finding the opening practicable he will have the advance sounded for the column to push on; when the head of the column has passed the gateway, a signal must be made for the artillery to turn their fire from the walls of the town on the citadel." "At twelve o'clock P.M., three companies of native infantry (48th) will quit camp, and move round the gardens on the south of the town, where they will establish themselves, and about three A.M. open a fire upon the place for the purpose of distracting the attention of the garrison." The infantry of the division, not warned for duty, was to be formed as a reserve. These orders, which were to be considered strictly "confidential for this night," were to be communicated to the troops only in such portions "as might be absolutely necessary to secure compliance with their various provisions." stormed. The explosion party, on whom, in the first instance, everything depended, Ghuznee consisted of Captain Peat of the Bombay, and Lieutenants Durand and Macleod of the Bengal army, three sergeants and eighteen sappers, carrying 300 lbs. of powder in twelve sand-bags, with a hose seventy-two feet long. Headed by Lieutenant Durand the party moved steadily on, laid the hose, fired the train, and in less than two minutes gained tolerable cover. The explosion did its work effectually, and Dennie, at the head of his stormers, pushed forward to the gap which it had made. As the garrison. having no idea of the kind of attack intended, were taken completely by surprise, access was gained without much difficulty, and announced to the camp without by three loud cheers. While Sale was hastening up with the main column he was arrested by the information of one of the officers of engineers, who, confused and shattered by the explosion, against which, in his eagerness to witness the effect, he had not sufficiently sheltered himself, told him that the falling masses of stone and timber had so choked up the gateway that the storming party had been unable to enter. Crediting this information the brigadier sounded the retreat, and a halt took place which well nigh proved fatal. The garrison, when once aware encounter Sale. A.D. 1889. of the real point of attack, rushed down to the gate, and Dennie and his party must soon have been overpowered had not the bugle, still sounding the advance, Personal and the statement of another engineer convinced Sale that his first informant of Brigadier was mistaken. "Forward!" therefore, was the order again given, and a desperate struggle took place among the ruins of the gateway. Sale himself made an almost miraculous escape, which we must permit Havelock to narrate. "One of their number (the garrison) rushing over the fallen timbers, brought down Brigadier Sale by a cut in the face with his sharp shansheer (sabre). The Afghan repeated his blow as his opponent was falling; but the pummel, not the edge of his sword this time took effect, though with stunning violence. He lost his footing, however, in the effort, and Briton and Afghan rolled together among the fractured timbers. Thus situated, the first care of the brigadier was to master the weapon of his adversary. He snatched at it, but one of his fingers met the edge of the trenchant blade. He quickly withdrew his wounded hand and adroitly replaced it over that of his adversary, so as to keep fast the hilt of his shansheer. But he had an active and powerful opponent, and was himself faint from the loss of blood. Captain Kershaw of the 13th, aide-de-camp to Brigadier Baumgardt, happened, in the melée, to approach the scene of conflict; the wounded leader recognized him and called to him for aid. Kershaw passed his drawn sabre through the body of the Afghan; but still the desperado continued to struggle with frantic violence. At length, in the fierce grapple, the brigadier for a moment got uppermost. Still retaining the weapon of his enemy in his left hand, he dealt him with his right a cut from his own sabre which cleft his skull from the crown to the eyebrows. The Mahometan shouted Ne Ullah! (O God!) and never moved or spoke again." As soon as an entrance was secured there could be no doubt as to the ultimate capture, but the fight was manfully maintained by the Afghans till more than 500 of their number had fallen sword in hand. Many more were A.D. 1839. cut down without the walls in attempting to escape. Among the 1600 prisoners taken, was the governor Hyder Khan, a brother of Dost Mahomed. In the hope of a protracted defence the place had been provided with immense stores of grain and flour. These, together with a large number of horses and arms, and a considerable sum in money, formed a very valuable booty. conduct of of Ghuznee. tion of Dost The capture of Ghuznee, though good fortune had certainly a large share in Humane achieving it, was most honourable to the British arms, not only on account of the captors the valour and prowess displayed, but also of the moderation with which victory was used. Quarter was never asked in vain, and not a single female was outraged. This fact, so rare under similar circumstances, well deserves special record, both for its own sake, and for the important lesson which it teaches. No spirit rations had been served out to the soldiers during the preceding fortnight. On this Havelock remarks: "No candid man of any military experience will deny that the character of the scene in the fortress and the citadel would have been far different, if individual soldiers had entered the town. primed with arrack, or if spirituous liquors had been discovered in the Afghan depôts." In proportion to the exultation of the British was the consternation produced among the followers of Dost Mahomed. His son Afzul Khan, who had been hovering in the vicinity with a large force, with which he hoped to fall upon the besiegers when baffled, dispirited, and exhausted by a protracted defence, took flight the moment he heard that Ghuznee had fallen, leaving his elephants and camp equipage behind him. His father was so enraged that he Consternarefused to receive him, and loudly professed his determination to maintain the Mahomed. struggle to the last. In this, however, he was not serious. His desperate position was manifest. In the early part of the campaign, supposing that the main attack would be made in concert with the Sikhs by the Khyber Pass, he had despatched his favourite son Akbar Khan in that direction, with the larger part of his forces, and had been obliged to recall him when made aware of the real quarter from which the greatest danger was to be apprehended. The Khyber Pass thus left unguarded made it comparatively easy for Colonel Wade to advance through it, with the force of which Prince Timour, Shah Shujah's son, was nominal commander. Cabool was thus about to be attacked from two opposite directions, and it was vain to hope that any effectual resistance could be offered. Negotiation therefore seemed to be his only resource, and his brother Jubbar Khan, after the sanction of a council of war had been obtained, was despatched to the British camp for the purpose of ascertaining the kind of terms that might be expected. His own proposal was to acknowledge Shah Shujah as his sovereign, provided he himself were guaranteed in the hereditary office of wuzeer or prime minister. This proposal seemed too extravagant to be listened to for a moment, and the only thing offered was what was called an honourable asylum within the British territories, on condition of immediate VOL. III. 242 A D. 1839. surrender. When the views of the parties were so diametrically opposed, it was useless to keep up the appearance of negotiation, and Jubbar Khan took his departure. Flight of homed. To what Dost Mahomed began now to exhibit the energy of despair, and marched out at the head of his troops with a determination to give battle. It soon became apparent that he would be left entirely without the means. ever side he looked he saw only signs of lukewarmness and treachery. Entreaty, remonstrance, and reproof were equally in vain, and his ranks thinned so rapidly that only a handful of followers worthy of confidence remained. He therefore made a merit of necessity, and giving a formal discharge to all whom he knew to be longing for it, he followed the example of his Candahar brothers, and fled westward on the 2d of August in the direction of Bamian. On the following day the British army, now advancing from Ghuznee, were made acquainted with this important fact, and in order not to repeat the blunder by which the Candahar chiefs had been permitted to escape, it was resolved that no time should be lost in commencing the pursuit. The task was undertaken by Captain Outram, then acting as aide-de-camp to the commander-in-chief. It could not have been in better hands, but very unwisely Hajee Khan Kakur, who was already suspected of being as treacherous to his new as he had been to his old friends, was associated with him, and having the command of the principal part of the troops employed, was able to throw so many obstacles in the way, that the pursuit again proved fruitless. The army meanwhile coninto Cabool. tinued its march without interruption, and on the 7th of August Shah Shujah, mounted on a handsome and richly decorated Caboolee charger, and wearing a dress which glittered with diamonds, emeralds, and rubies, made a triumphant entry into his capital. "An ocean of heads," says Havelock, "was spread out in every direction," and though there were no noisy acclamations, "the expres sion of countenances indicated a ready acquiescence, or something more, in the new state of things." After making his way with difficulty through the dense files of people which choked the narrow streets, and reaching the Bala Hissar or palace, the Shah hastened up the great staircase, and ran with childish delight from apartment to apartment. The great object of his ambition had been at After thirty years of exile he was once more seated on the Shah Shu jah's entry last secured. throne. The governor-general, replying to the despatch in which Sir John Keane described the Shah's entry into Cabool, expressed his high gratification. "It is to be hoped," he said, "that the measure which has been accomplished of restoring this prince to the throne of his ancestors, will be productive of peace and prosperity over the country in which he rules, and will confirm the just influence of the British government in the regions of Central Asia." On this view further interference was unnecessary, and little more remained than to fulfil the promise of the Simla manifesto, by withdrawing the British troops. Unfor force indis tunately, the Shah's alleged popularity had proved delusive, and could no A.D. 1839. longer be regarded by the most sanguine as sufficient to insure the stability of the new order of things. While hedged round by British bayonets the restored A British throne might be safe, but were this security withdrawn it would fall as pensable at suddenly as it had been reared. In short, it was no longer possible to dispute the accuracy of the prediction attributed to the Duke of Wellington, that when Cabool was reached the most difficult part of the task which the British government had undertaken would only begin. Cabool. CHAPTER IV. Partial withdrawal of British troops from Afghanistan-Capture of Khelat-Surrender of Dost Mahomed S jah's letter Victoria. HAH SHUJAH, though he must have had many misgivings as Shah Shuto the future, professed to believe that the work of restoring to Queen him to the throne was accomplished, and therefore deemed it becoming to employ some method by which he could at once commemorate the event, and testify his gratitude to those by whose instrumentality it had been achieved. He accordingly addressed a letter to her majesty, which, after mentioning how he had, "by the favour of God and the exceeding kindness of the British government," ascended the throne of his ancestors, continued thus:-"I have been for some time considering by what means I could reward the gentlemen and troops who accompanied me, for all the troubles and dangers they have undergone for my sake. I have now fully resolved upon instituting an order, to be designated the Order of the Dooranee Empire (Nishan-Door-Dooran), to be divided into three classes." The first class he wished to confer on the governor-general, the commander-inchief, the envoy, Sir Alexander Burnes, and Colonel Wade; the other two classes were to be conferred on the individuals named in an accompanying list; and he had, moreover, determined to have a medal struck, "commemorative of the battle of Ghuznee," and to confer it "on every officer and soldier present on that glorious occasion." "I have the fullest confidence," he concluded, "in the kind consideration for my wishes, which is felt by my royal sister; and I feel assured that she will be graciously pleased to permit the gentlemen and soldiers above mentioned to wear the decoration which I shall confer upon them, so that a memorial of me may be preserved, and that the fame of the glorious exploits achieved in this quarter may resound throughout the whole world." |