Battle of Ma A.D. 1843. reverse; both supported by Major-general Dennis's column and the two light field batteries. Your lordship must have witnessed with the same pride and pleasure that I did, the brilliant advance of these columns under their respective leaders, the European and native soldiers appearing emulous to prove their loyalty and devotion; and here I must do justice to the gallantry of their opponents, who received the shock without flinching, their guns doing severe execution as we advanced; but nothing could withstand the rush of British soldiers. Her majesty's 39th foot, with their accustomed dash, ably supported by the 56th regiment native infantry, drove the enemy from their guns into the village, bayoneting the gunners at their posts. Here a most sanguinary conflict ensued; the Mahratta troops, after discharging their matchlocks, fought sword in hand with the most determined courage. General Valiant's brigade with equal enthusiasm took Maharajpoor in reverse, and twenty-eight guns were captured by this combined movement: so desperate was the resistance, that very few of the defenders of this very strong position escaped. During these operations, Brigadier Scott was opposed by a body of the enemy's cavalry on the extreme left, and made some well-executed charges with the 10th light cavalry, most ably supported by Captain Grant's troop of horse artillery, and the 4th lancers, capturing some guns and taking two standards, thus threatening the right flank of the enemy." After the decisive success at Maharajpoor, the entrenched position of Chounda was carried, and the victory was complete, the enemy having dispersed and fled, with a loss of 3000 in killed and wounded, and of 56 pieces of ordnance, 43 of them of brass. The British loss also was severe, amounting in all to 797 in killed, wounded, and missing. Battle of Punniar. Rigorous terms dictated to Gwalior. While the main body of the British army was gaining the victory of Maharajpoor, the left wing, under General Grey, which had crossed the frontier from the south-west, and pushed on rapidly to Punniar, which is only twelve miles from Gwalior, was there achieving a similar success against another Mahratta force of 12,000 men, with forty guns. After these victories all idea of further resistance was abandoned, and it only remained for the governor-general to give effect to his designs in regard to Scindia's dominions. Hitherto he had always talked of Gwalior as an independent state, but he now acted as if he had conquered it, and not only set the rights of the maharanee aside, but changed the form of its government. In future she was to be only a pensioner with three lacs of revenue, and no political authority, and the administration was to be carried on during the maharajah's minority by what was called a council of regency, in regard to which it was stipulated that it "should act in accordance with the advice of the British resident, and that its members should not be liable to be changed, or vacancies occasioned by the death of its members filled up, except with the sanction of the government of India." This stipulation, which virtually converted Scindia's dominions into a British dependency, was forthwith secured tated to by a regular treaty, which was not so much negotiated as dictated and imposed A.D. 1843. by the governor-general at Gwalior. It consisted of twelve articles, of which, in addition to the above stipulation, the most important were those which Terms diclimited the number of the Gwalior army to 9000 men, of whom not more than Gwalior. 3000 were to be infantry, with twelve field-guns and 200 gunners with twenty other guns; and supplied the place of the troops disbanded by a large increase of the contingent or subsidiary force, provided by the British, and paid for by the Gwalior government. The fort of Gwalior was in future to be garrisoned by the contingent, and Brigadier Stubbs, who commanded the contingent, was moreover appointed com mandant of the maharajah's forces. Truly might the governor-general boast that the result of the victories gained over the Gwalior troops had been "the secure establishment of British supremacy," but truly also might it at the same time have been declared that this result had only been obtained by vigorously exercising all the rights of conquest while hypocritically disclaiming them. THE KING OF GWALIOR.-From Soltykoff, Voyage dans l'Inde. borough re called by the directors. While the governor-general was carrying matters with a high hand at the Lord Ellencourt of Gwalior, he was himself undergoing a severe ordeal in the court of directors. By his absurd proclamation of the gates, he had destroyed confidence in the soundness of his judgment, and the whole course of his administration. so little accorded with the pacific policy to which he had pledged himself on leaving England, that serious doubts began to be entertained as to his fitness to govern India. His policy in regard to Scinde was particularly objected to. He had concocted a series of charges against the Ameers on insufficient evidence, and then made them the pretext for imposing a penal treaty, to which he might have foreseen that they never would submit without coercion. In this way, when the exhaustion of the Indian treasury by the disasters of Afghanistan made it most desirable that peace should be maintained, he provoked a war of the most formidable description, which, but for the singular ability of the military commander, might have proved ruinous, and which, after the most brilliant victories, had only added to our already overgrown Indian empire a tract of territory which for years to come would not pay the expense of governing it. His policy in Gwalior was of a similar description, and there borough's recall. A.D. 1844. was reason to suspect, from hints which he had thrown out, that he was meditating a greater war than any he had yet carried on. Such were the leading Lord Ellen- public grounds on which Lord Ellenborough was assailed, but he might perhaps have passed unscathed through the ordeal to which they subjected him, had he not imprudently provoked jealousies and animosities between the two great branches of the public service, by the mode in which his patronage was distributed. Lord Auckland had set him the example of making the political subordinate to the military department, when special circumstances seemed to require it; but this, which had hitherto been the exception, was made by Lord Ellenborough the rule, so much so indeed, that he both spoke and acted as if he thought that the first qualification for office of any kind was to be a soldier. Conduct thus systematically pursued was naturally resented by the civil service, and his lordship arrayed against himself many of the ablest and most influential of Indian officials. The effect of this hostility soon became apparent at the India House, and the question of recalling the governor-general was seriously mooted among the directors. This power of recall they undoubtedly possessed, and though they had never before exercised it, they saw so much to disapprove in the mode in which the government of India was conducted, that nothing but the urgent remonstrance of the British cabinet prevented them from exercising it. At last, however, even remonstrance proved unavailing, and on the 21st of April, 1844, Sir Robert Peel, then prime-minister, announced, in answer to a question put to him by Mr. Macaulay, "that on Wednesday last her majesty's government received a communication from the court of directors that they had exercised the power which the law gives them to recall at their will and pleasure the Governor-general of India." This announcement is said to have been received with loud cheers from the opposition benches, though it could hardly be called a party triumph, as eighteen of the twentyfour directors were supporters of the ministry, and yet the vote of recall had been unanimous. This fact affords a strong presumption that it was not dictated by factious or improper motives, but as the papers which could have explained the whole matter were withheld, on the ground that they could not be made public without injury to the public service, we are necessarily left to conjecture. This is so far unfortunate for the directors, as it left them without the means of replying effectively to a speech made against them in the House of Lords by so high an authority as the Duke of Wellington, who stigmatized the recall as "an act of indiscretion at least," and as "the most indiscreet exercise of power" he had ever known. his administration. Character of The deep mortification felt by Lord Ellenborough at his abrupt recall, was allayed to some extent on finding that he was to be succeeded by his own brother-in-law, who would naturally be more tender of the reputation of his predecessor than could have been expected from a stranger, and would innovate as little as possible on the policy which he had pursued. That this was the Lord Ellen view taken by Lord Ellenborough himself appears from one of his letters to A D. 1844. Sir Charles Napier. "You will have heard that the court of directors has Character of done as I expected. I am recalled. Fortunately Sir Henry Hardinge is my borough's successor, and he will carry out all my views with the advantage of having administramilitary experience." Military experi ence seems indeed to have been regarded by his lordship as the most essential qualification of the Governor-general of India, and hence, during his whole administration, he had done little more than endeavour to acquire it. Under the influence of this ruling passion he had turned his back on the seat of government at Calcutta, as if he had no civil duties to perform. It were vain therefore to search the annals of his govern ment for any important internal reforms. For these he had little time, and, it is to be presumed, still less taste, since he took care, in the course of a speech delivered at a farewell entertainment, VISCOUNT HARDINGE. After a portrait by Sir W Ross, R.A. to make the following announcement: "The only regret I feel at leaving India is that of being separated from the army. The most agreeable, the most interesting period of my life has been that which I have passed here in cantonments and in camps." tion. CHAPTER VII. Sir Henry Hardinge governor-general-His first measures-Threatening aspect of affairs in the Punjab--- Hardinge's HN the 14th of July, 1844, Lord Ellenborough left Calcutta, Lord and on the 23d of the same month, Sir Henry Hardinge arrived, policy. and entered immediately on the duties of his office. The first months of his government were employed in making judicious arrangements for replacing the civil service in its proper position; in removing grievances, and at the same time maintaining strict discipline in the native army; in promoting education, and in opening up new sources of A.D. 1844. prosperity by encouraging steam navigation and the construction of railways While he was thus engaged in peaceful measures, it was daily becoming apparent that he would soon be obliged to abandon them for others of an opposite character. The Punjab had fallen into a state bordering on anarchy, and a large Sikh army, which defied all control, had assumed a menacing attitude on the British frontier. Unfriendly relations with the Sikhs. Rapid suc cession of rulers in Lahore. After the death of Runjeet Sing in 1839, the friendly relations which he had always carefully maintained underwent a sudden change. His son Khurruk Sing, who succeeded him, possessed none of his talent, and ruled only in name under his own son Nonehal Sing. This youth was unfortunately as hostile as his grandfather had been friendly to British interests, but before his hostility could be fully developed he was killed by a stone or beam which fell upon him as he was passing under a gate. This tragical event, though represented as an accident, was in fact a murder, which had been planned for the purpose of securing the throne for another claimant. This was Shere Sing, who was by repute one of Runjeet Sing's sons, but not acknowledged by him, because he suspected his wife's fidelity. Still, however, his status had been so far recognized that he was allowed to rank as one of the Lahore princes, and hence when both Khurruk Sing, who had previously died, and Nonehal Sing were removed, he had no difficulty in finding numerous supporters. Among these, by far the most influential was Dhyan Sing, who had been prime-minister to Runjeet Sing, and hated Khurruk Sing and his son for having dismissed him in order to make way for a worthless favourite. Notwithstanding this support Shere Sing failed at first to obtain the object of his ambition. His opponent was Chund Koonwur, Khurruk Sing's widow, who having placed herself at the head of a powerful party, drove him from the capital, and was proclaimed queen. By the advice of Dhyan Sing he withdrew from the contest to wait. his opportunity. He had not to wait long, for the ranee's government proved a failure, and the old wuzeer having persuaded the soldiers that they ought not to submit to a woman's rule, Shere Sing was recalled. The ranee, still in possession of the capital, prepared to resist his entrance, till the desertion of the troops convinced her that her cause was hopeless. Shere Sing proved unworthy of the throne to which he had been raised. He had long been addicted to vicious indulgences, and shortly after his elevation, having thrown off all restraint, became a mere drunkard and debauchee. The pernicious consequences were not at first fully developed, as Dhyan Sing, in whom all power now centred, was an able administrator, but ultimately the intrigues of Shere Sing's boon companions began to prevail, and the wuzeer was not only threatened with disgrace, but furnished with evidence which convinced him that his life was in danger. Under the influence of these fears he sanctioned the assassination of the maharajah. This assassination was immediately followed by that of his son Pertaub Sing. Dhyan Sing himself |