said the fellowships were "simply prizes for intellectual and scientific attainments." They were not only this; they were given for persons who were to have the charge of the education, and who were therefore the guardians of the religious instruction of the members of the Colleges. He said at this moment a distrust had arisen in the minds of men disposed to make these endowments, lest their gifts should be ap. plied to purposes opposite to those for which they intended them. He did not oppose the Bill simply because he represented the University of Oxford. He opposed it long before he held that position. He did not believe in mixed religious education that was superintended by men of different religious opinions, and he had never known an instance in which it had succeeded. The very success of the Colleges on their present system was against the change proposed; and believing, as he did, that they were founded and endowed upon right principles which had obtained such success, and that the Church would always furnish, as she had done, abundance of men of scientific and intellectual attainments for the purposes of instruction within them, he begged to move that the Bill be read a third time that day six months.

that the tests were weak; sometimes they objected to them on the ground of their strength. He contended that the test now complained of was of the mildest character. They were sometimes told that there was so little of religious teaching in the Colleges that it was of no value; at other times that religious teaching was too severe and stringent. He did not think the right hon. Gentleman who brought forward the Bill would have spoken scornfully of the religious education in the Colleges. During the last twenty years he (Mr. Powell) had had the advantage of association with Cambridge, and had not failed to observe great improvement in the moral and intellectual and religious culture of the graduates of the University. Religious education was now given partly by lectures, partly by examination, partly by Divine service in the College chapels. It had been suggested by a gentleman who was once a Member of that House that a simple form of prayer might be adopted in the College chapels, similar to that which was used in and gave a solemnity to the proceedings of that House. But few, he thought, would venture to approve of such an arrangement. The whole system of the Colleges was based upon the idea of "unity MR. POWELL said, it had been a of creed." But once introduce "diversity common observation during the discussions of creed" and none could say what reon this Bill that its opponents were not the sults might follow. Another objection most enlightened of men. In seconding would arise from the distraction from the the Amendment he had, however, the satis- usual studies of the place which must enfaction of feeling that he was representing sue. It was because he felt convinced that the feelings of the University of Cam- the introduction of these varied elements bridge, who had sent up a petition which must distract the minds of the teachers of had been or would shortly be presented to Oxford and Cambridge from their duties the House against the Bill, a petition that that he was anxious to shut out those elewas adorned by the names of men the ments. Supposing the hon. Member for most eminent in mathematical science. A Birmingham had acquired a position in one petition signed by such men as Professors of the Universities, would any one venture Cayley, Challis, Stokes, and Adams was to say that the teaching of that Univerworthy of the consideration of the House.sity would be conducted without acrimony He doubted not that the right hon. Gentleman would meet this petition in the same way as on a former debate-namely, by saying that "if the University had ever done anything for the advancement of the cause and the improvement of education the petition would be entitled to some consideration, but that the reverse was the case.' Although it might not be described as a dishonest Bill, yet it evidently concealed some of its objects. With reference to the tests imposed by the Act of Uniformity, none could fail to observe the uncertainty of the position occupied by those who objected to them. Sometimes they asserted

But could any

and distraction from practical work? It
had been stated that if this Bill passed
there would still remain many barriers
against the Nonconformists, and that the
Church of England men might shelter
themselves under them.
one believe that such barriers could
be allowed long to remain? No. Agita-
tions would spring up for the very purpose
of destroying them. For all these reasons
he asked the House not to pass this Bill.
He felt certain that it would be fraught
with great inconvenience and disaster;
that, instead of advancing religion and
sound learning, religion would fail under

Amendment proposed, to leave out the word "now," and at the end of the Question to add the words "upon this day six months."-(Mr. Gathorne Hardy.) Question proposed, "That the word 'now' stand part of the Question."

its influence, and the Colleges now so full | did not in the least degree affect the case would be comparatively deserted, and lose a that he wished to put. Strong as the large share of the public confidence it was petition was there was still a great majority now their privilege to enjoy. in favour of this Bill in some of the Col leges, and all that they asked for was to try the experiment gradually and in the smallest Colleges. He had authority to state that there was one College that was ready immediately to try the experiment; that a Dissenter there had lately taken a distinguished degree, and they would have let him into fellowship immediately. That would have been making an experiment on a small scale. The hon. Member for the University of Oxford had laid great stress upon this principle. He said that the Colleges were private institutions, just like private schools. Now he denied that, and he maintained that Parliament had likewise virtually denied the principle, because it had given to Commissioners power to frame their statutes, and to a certain degree against their will. And in every other respect the Commissioners had allowed the Colleges to have the greatest variety in practice. In some of the Colleges there were married Fellows; in others all the Fellows must be clergymen, and in others all the Fellows must be laymen. All these differences of practice existed, and therefore he asked why did they not let one or two Colleges who wished to try this experiment do so, and see whether, as they believed, the best interests of the College would be promoted by occasionally electing a distinguished student to a Fellowship, who did not happen to be a member of the Church of England? The advocates of this measure based their case on two grounds. In the first place, they considered that what they asked for would promote the best interests of the University; and, in the second place, they advanced a wider and more important argument; they said it would promote the best interests of learning. What was more important to a great educational establishment than this, that they should have the opportunity of retaining among their body the most distinguished students, in order to promote education? Instances had been adduced in which the Colleges had been prevented from electing a student to a Fellowship because he was not a member of the Church of England. What harm could it do to religion if a student, though he did not belong to the Church of England, but being a brilliant mathematician, were elected to a Fellowship so that the College might put him on the educational staff? But this Act of Parliament virtually

MR. FAWCETT said, he should not have ventured to address the House a second time on this subject, did he not think that by doing so he might be able to remove a misapprehension. It had been stated during the debate that this Bill would give no relief to Roman Catholics. Now he was anxious to assure his Roman Catholic friends in the House and the country that they who first started this movement in Cambridge-and it was a movement first started in the University, and not outside of it-were not in the least degree aware of any other Act that would exclude Roman Catholics. It was their desire that the Colleges should have power to admit persons of any religion, whether Nonconformists or Roman Catholics, if they thought the student sufficiently distinguished, and if they thought he was a man who would do good to the College. There were some doubts as to the operation of an Act of Parliament and of the Act of Indemnity, but he gave his Roman Catholic friends this distinct pledge, that they who were in favour of this measure, if it passed and if they found that it did not give to Roman Catholics the same privileges that it gave to Nonconformist Dissenters, would at once introduce a measure that would confer the same privileges on Roman Catholics. But he had consulted eminent Roman Catholics on the subject, and he was told that this Act, if passed, would admit Roman Catholics, because the opera tion of the Act of Henry VIII. virtually became inoperative by the Act of Indemnity. There were one or two other points to which he wished to direct attention. The hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had alluded to a petition from resident Members of the University of Cambridge. Many of those who signed the petition were intimate friends of his, and he would be the last person to say one word in disparagement of its influence or of its importance. He was aware that it had been signed by some of the most eminent men in the University, but still this

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questions in which the humblest citizen of the land might take an interest, because it was the glory of the University that many a poor boy with no other possession than his intellectual gifts had gone to Oxford or to Cambridge, and had there obtained those pecuniary rewards which had enabled him to win great distinction. He therefore confidently asked the House by passing this Bill to allow the nation at large to have a full opportunity of participating in these inestimable advantages.

said they should not appoint a man who ments and a great and illustrious hiswould best promote education in their tory. If we had all to bear these burdens, Colleges. Then, again, he put it on let us, let the nation at large, enjoy another ground. He said that the present those other gifts that had descended system made an inroad on a cherished to us with the burdens. These were principle, which was that the emoluments and distinctions of the College should be conferred on the most distinguished student, and it was a bitter mortification, and a great inroad on this principle which they so cherished, if they saw a distinguished student passed over, and a less distinguished student gaining the honour which this man had fairly won, and all simply because there was some slight difference in their religious creed. But he put the question on a wider basis than this. He said it was a question in which the nation at large had a deep interest. He looked upon the Colleges as something more than private establishments. He maintained that their magnificent endowments and their history in some respects illustrated the growth of this nation. There, there was always the quiet retreat to which the student might retire. When the nation was convulsed, there on the banks of the Isis and the Cam, the student might produce those works which would tend to give lustre to the age. Ages had been rendered illustrious, not so much by the wealth that was accumulated, but what made an epoch illustrious was to look back and think that at that time there was the scholarship of an Erasmus, the poetry of a Milton, the philosophy of a Bacon, the discoveries of a Newton. And was it not equally important at the present time, in this age of material progress, when there was such striving for wealth, that there should be a retreat where superior intellect could peacefully and calmly pursue its investigations, and where the noble principle was recognized that it was not wealth that could confer distinction, but that the only way to honour was the culture of the intellect? He appealed to the great Liberal party to remove these restrictions, which were the remnants of that unfortunate policy the upholders of which seemed to think that religion would be promoted by the maintenance of restrictions which only tended to foster the rancour of sectarianism. Lately, we had heard a great deal from the Chancellor of the Exchequer about the burdens which had been handed down to us by our predecessors. These burdeus had to be borne by us all. But we had inherited something more; we had inherited magnificent endowVOL. CLXXXIII. [THIRD SERIES.]

MR. BENTINCK said, this Bill was an illustration of what the right hon. Member for Calne called the doctrine of steppingstones and instalments. One instance of such a stepping-stone had been just dealt with by the House, and he hoped the present one would share the same fate. When this question first arose, they were told that if the Universities would allow Dissenters to write B. A. and M. A. after their names that was all that would be asked for. When that concession was made, claims were immediately made both to the emoluments and the government of the Universities. He quite agreed with the Member for the University of Oxford that this Bill interfered with, and was injurious to, the rights of property in the country. The endowments of the Universities were of two kinds-the pre-Reformation and the post-Reformation endowments. His hon. Friend the Member for the University of Oxford had argued the question with regard to the former in a way which made it unnecessary for him to touch upon them. But with regard to the latter, and speaking of the University of Cambridge, he could say that the post-Reformation endowments constituted a very large proportion of the whole, and if the State were to interfere with such property it would amount to neither more nor less than confiscation. Many of the Colleges at Cambridge had been founded since the Reformation, and one even in the last century, and to divert these endowments to different purposes from those to which they were intended would be monstrous. The hon. Member for Brighton had argued that the State had a right to interfere. No doubt the State had interfered in many cases, and

3 T

Debate adjourned till Wednesday, 11th youngest daughter of his late Royal Highness the July.

LOCAL GOVERNMENT SUPPLEMENTAL (NO. 2) the Royal Family, will concur in the measures

the Bill, as that would be contrary to the rules of the House. He should, therefore, if the Bill should pass the second reading, ask their Lordships to send it to a Select Committee, and refer the Petition to them, in order that it might be seen whether or not the Petitioners' fears were rightly founded.

LORD REDESDALE presented a Petition of J. W. Pycroft, a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries, London, praying that the Bill may be referred to the Examiners, or that the Petitioner may be heard by Counsel against it. Mr. Pycroft, the noble Lord said, was a gentleman who had paid a great deal of attention to the question as to how far the rights of the Crown over the foreshores extended; and he now com

LORD BROUGHAM said, he was strongly impressed with the importance of this Bill. He hoped some alteration would be made with regard to the plea of insanity in cases of murder, in order to permit a verdict of manslaughter to be returned in cases where such a plea was made out. He also thought it was a most improper course of proceeding in capital cases to admit the accused to adduce evidence to show that he was intoxicated at the time he committed the offence, as he regarded intoxication as an aggravation rather than as an extenuating feature in such cases. Such a course ought never to be permitted in a Court of Justice. He further wished to point out the necessity for steps being taken for the prevention of bribery, an offence which had prevailed to a great ex-plained that in the Bill there was an inditent during the last election. The other House might, by an alteration in their Standing Orders, make such regulations as would put a stop to the practice, by requiring a stringent declaration on the part of the Member; or an Act of Parliament might be passed making the offence punish able. He thought such an alteration in the law would be most effectual in deterring persons from committing the offence; as, although many men might be willing to risk their money, few would like to run the chance of being sent to the treadmill in the hopes of obtaining a seat. If they acted as firmly in regard to bribery as they had in regard to the slave trade, their object would be speedily attained.

House in Committee: Amendments made: The Report thereof to be received To-morrow, and Bill to be printed as amended. (No. 145.)

CROWN LANDS BILL-(No. 114.)
(The Lord President.)

SECOND READING.

Order of the Day for the Second Reading read.

EARL NELSON presented a Petition of Owners of Land in the New Forest, praying for Amendment of the Bill, and to be heard by Counsel against it. The petition was signed by 700 persons, consisting of the most important landowners, of the small freeholders, and of the farmers holding land in and in the neighbourhood of the New Forest. He believed that the parties complaining would be seriously aggrieved if the Bill were to pass in its present form, but he could not support the prayer of the Petition to be heard against

rect assumption on the part of the Crown of a right to the foreshores. The matter was of considerable importance, and as there had been a recent decision against that assumed right, there ought not to be an attempt made to indirectly assume such a right in an Act of Parliament.

EARL GRANVILLE, in moving the second reading of the Bill, said, that its objects were, in the first place, to provide that the expenses of the management and of the improvement of the Crown lands, at present paid out of the income derived from that property, should be placed to the capital account of the Land Revenue of the Crown, and should be defrayed by a charge on the income of the lands, extending over a period of not more than thirty years. It was difficult to know how to deal with the costly improvements which were requisite to develop the property, and which could not properly be paid out of the income of the year. The result of the proposed change would be to prevent the income derived from these lands being materially and improperly reduced during the life of Her Majesty. The next object of the measure was to transfer one moiety of the income derived from the working of the minerals on the property to the capital account of the Land Revenues, instead of including the whole of the sum arising from that source in the income, as had been done hitherto. The Bill also proposed to deal with the right of shooting over the New Forest, and also over the Forest of Dean, and with certain other minor matters connected with the subject. One of the most important alterations it proposed to effect was to transfer the management of the foreshores from the Commissioners