페이지 이미지
PDF
ePub

every proposition for the amalgamation or sale of a line should appear in the November Gazette notices, and that the terms upon which the arrangement was proposed to be carried out should be set forth in the notice. There would then be time for the shareholders and others interested to make themselves acquainted with the terms, to ascertain what were the receipts of the line it might be proposed to purchase or lease, and to consider how far it might be advantageous that the amalgamation should be carried out. It was also desirable in these matters to increase the control of Parliament, which was allowing such control to pass too much out of its hands. Arrangements ought to be entered into in a more formal way than they were at present. These were the alterations in the Standing Orders he wished to submit to their Lordships, affecting the points to which he had called attention. He would lay on the table the formal alterations he proposed, but he would not ask their Lordships to agree to them without full consideration; and therefore, without positively pledging himself to the day, he would name that day three weeks as the day on which he would move the new Standing Orders.

interested in a district would not care to subscribe more than they do at present, although they benefited their estates by the construction of the line. The present system had a tendency to discourage such subscriptions, as in almost every instance an issue of preference capital became necessary, whereby those who came forward to construct a line, and who subscribed 20s. in the pound, were the parties to suffer most-if they did not, as in too many instances they did, really lose all the money they had advanced. A system of preferred and deferred shares had been introduced, which enabled persons desirous to promote the interests of a company at some personal sacrifice on account of the advantage to be secured to their properties, to subscribe to the same amount, or to a larger amount than they might be disposed to do at present without incurring greater liabilities. Under this system a share was divided into two parts, and when a portion was paid on one-half the other half was thrown upon the market with a secured preference. The effect was, that a person was enabled to increase his subscription without increasing his risk, that the necessity for raising preference capital was probably avoided, and the money required being found, the line would be constructed LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY said, without delay, the shareholders knowing that their Lordships were much indebted what they are about. Another matter, to the noble Lord the Chairman of Comin respect of which he desired an alter-mittees for having brought the subject ation of the Standing Orders, was one of under their notice. It was one of very very great importance: he referred to the amalgamation and the sale of lines. He proposed to require that the terms upon which these amalgamations and sales were to be made should be stated beforehand. The rule at present was for general powers to be taken to enable line A to absorb line B by lease or purchase; but the proprietors of the railways really knew nothing about these transactions, and had not the means of inquiring into them before their companies were bound to the terms, whatever they might be. In each case notice was given of a general special meeting to sanction an agreement which had been entered into between the one company and the other for the transfer of one concern to the other; but the shareholders were not told anything about the terms; they had no means of making inquiries; and he had no hesitation in saying that the grossest jobberies had been perpetrated by means of amalgamations, purchases, and arrangements effected in this manner. He proposed that notice of

great importance. At the same time, the proposals which the noble Lord had signified his intention to submit involved changes of the greatest magnitude, and he was inclined to think it would not be desirable that their Lordships should come to a decision upon them without entering into some communication with the other House of Parliament. No doubt there were abuses in the existing railway system, but in remedying them care must be taken not to throw unnecessary impediments in the way of the construction of railways which might materially benefit the country. He would appeal to their Lordships in their capacity of landowners to consider the bearing the matter might have upon the construction of lines in which they were peculiarly interested. The lines contractors now made were chiefly such as opened up country districts in connection with great trunk lines, which were often opposed by them; and if great difficulties and impediments were thrown in the way of their construction they

might not be made at all. He was not | jealous rivalries which had done so much sure that if measures were adopted to make injury. Had there been any supervision a deposit a more effective reality, the desired object would not be to a large extent attained; and if it were required that the money deposited with the Treasury should not be taken away until the line, or a considerable part of it, was constructed, the public would obtain the security that could be required for the construction of a line. One of the suggestions which had been made by the noble Lord was founded upon reason and propriety-he referred to the suggestion that the terms of an amalgamation should be set forth, so that the subscribers or shareholders interested in the matter might learn what they were.

THE MARQUESS OF CLANRICARDE said, he thought that the alterations proposed in the Standing Orders did not go to the root of the matter. The noble Lord the Chairman of Committees had referred to the failures that had taken place recently; but how had such disasters in relation to railways originated? They were due to the fact that we had from the first gone upon an entirely wrong system; that very system which his noble Friend the Chairman of Committees proposed to bolster up and to restore in certain details which had been unwisely abandoned. To say that a Committee of that House could enter into the full consideration of everything apper taining to a railway speculation for the accommodation of the country was, from beginning to end, an absurdity. In matters of this kind there ought to have been some supervision on the part of the State; the Government ought to have had a control which might have been exercised for the benefit alike of the country and of speculators, and which might have been a source of great public economy and convenience. The money estimated to have been laid out in the construction of railways in this country he believed amounted to about £450,000,000; but the accommodation which the public had received might have been given for £250,000,000. What had made that great difference? It had occurred because our railways had been made higgledy-piggledy, one at a time, without any comprehensive plan, and under no supervision, which, if it had been properly applied from the first, might have given us gradually a system of railway accommodation, without the close competition, the battles of the gauges, the struggles of town with town, and the VOL. CLXXXIII. [THIRD SERIES.]

[ocr errors]

by the Board of Trade, or by a Department of the State, lines would also have been laid out with more regard to the public convenience, and the evils of unregulated competition might have been avoided. One result of our want of system and of supervision was that we were paying high fares, although, with the exception of Belgium and some parts of France, fares ought to be cheaper here than in any other part of the world. We were paying extravagant fares, and monstrous sums had been expended on our railways. Yet it was now proposed that speculation should be checked and the construction of railways stopped. Why should that be done? Nobody could deny that railways had led to very beneficial results, nor could any one doubt that the great increase in the wealth of the country of late years had been greatly owing to railways. See, too, how they had brought out the wealth of France. Indeed, they formed one of the requirements of the civilization of the present age, and the country ought, therefore, to be properly, gradually, steadily, and wisely supplied with them every where. He agreed, however, that that could not be done under the present system, and thought, therefore, that far greater alterations should be made than those proposed by the noble Lord the Chairman of Committees.

The Select Committees. now appointed to consider Railway Bills knew nothing whatever of the country through which the railways were to pass. For instance, the last Committee of which he was a member was appointed to inquire, into a scheme for constructing a railway in the east of Yorkshire. He had no interest in the country, and knew nothing. about the matter; the noble Lord who presided came from Cornwall, and two other noble Lords who sat on the Committee were, like himself, from Ireland-in fact, all the members were selected because they were supposed to have no interest in the line, and to be perfectly ignorant of everything connected with it. In the case to which he had just referred it was only proposed to make a line from Goole to Doncaster, but it turned out that all the northern and western counties and their railways were interested in the subject. Now, he maintained that such a scheme ought to have been submitted to some person who was thoroughly conversant with all those systems of railways. The Committee on that occasion came to a con

2 F

proved their general object and purpose. It was painful to contemplate the commercial immorality which had prevailed in this country of late years, and which he feared could end only in disgrace to our national character. He attributed the position in which we were now placed in regard to our railway system to the imperfection of previous legislation, the consequences of which he had foretold long ago; and he welcomed the suggestions of the noble Lord, not only because he thought they would improve legislation on the subject of railways, but because he looked upon them as a first step towards a return to more sound, more healthy, and more just views than those which had prevailed for a very long time past.

clusion totally different from that which proposal. He would not at present give had been arrived at by the Committee any opinion as to the proposed alterations appointed by the House of Commons, he would only say that he quite apand the parties were in consequence sent back for a whole year-in the course of which, however, the matter in dispute was satisfactorily settled; but the Committee might have settled it in a very unsatisfactory manner indeed. No one appeared on the part of the public, though some resistance was offered by a few landed proprietors. Noble Lords and hon. Gentlemen were chosen to sit on the respective Committees simply because they had no interest in the matter and knew nothing about it. He was afraid that the Government of the late Sir Robert Peel did wrong when they refused to place the railways under State control, for at that time a general supervision of the railways might have been provided by the State. He thought their Lordships ought to proceed very carefully in the consideration of a proposal to place fresh obstacles in the way of making railways. If railways ought to be made, he did not see why the construction of them was to be stopped. He did not believe that the noble Lord the Chairman of Committees could, by the proposed system of deposits and paid-up calls, put a stop in toto to such proceedings as he had described. You might impose a fine, and thereby put an obstacle in the way of persons who wanted to make a railway; but what was called "financing" would still go on, for means would be found of driving holes through any Standing Orders which might be made. He hoped their Lordships would consider whether a system could not be devised much better than, and totally different from, that which had prevailed up to the present time. He was aware that all statesmen, whether in or out of office, would be averse from undertaking such a task, but still it was their duty to do so. The penalty paid by men in high office, or who had attained political distinction and renown, was the dealing with difficult questions like this one-which, he might remark, was not in any way a party question. In conclusion, he urged upon their Lordships the necessity of considering the whole matter with great care and circumspection.

LORD ÖVERSTONE was understood to express his thanks to the noble Lord the Chairman of Committees for having brought this subject before the House, and for the valuable and prudent observations with which he had accompanied his

EARL FORTESCUE said, he joined in acknowledging that the House owed a debt of gratitude to the noble Chairman of Committees for the luminous and valuable statement which he had made, and he quite concurred with the noble Marquess (the Marquess of Clanricarde) as to the unsatisfactory legislative proceedings of both Houses of Parliament with regard to railways. He could not help feeling that successive Governments and successive Parliaments had been drifting too much and steering too little with respect to railway legislation. There had been too much fear, or too much neglect, in laying down general principles for the guidance of the Committees on Railway Bills. It seemed to him extraordinary that after so many Railway Bills had received the sanction of Parliament no general principle should have been laid down by either House for the guidance of its Committees, and that at this very moment no one could tell, except from his knowledge of the individual opinions of the members of a Committee, whether the fact of a line being competitive was to be held as a recommendation or an objection to the Bill authorizing its construction. Years ago he did hope, when he was a Member of the other House, that the Government of Sir Robert Peel, under the guidance of a much lamented and most able Member of their Lordships' House (the Earl of Dalhousie), would have laid down some general principle for the guidance of Parliament in legislation on this subject. Millions and millions had been wasted since that time; scheme after scheme had been passed, and

scheme after scheme had been rejected by | to begin with would prevent the necessity different Committees on the same ground for having resort to these measures for -that the line was a competitive one. He raising money, which became more objecventured to hope, before it was too late- tionable at every step, and which raised before the remaining links in the railway money by offering more and more ruinous communication of the United Kingdom terms. With regard to what fell from the were connected-some general principles noble Lord opposite (Lord Stanley of would be laid down for the guidance of pro- Alderley), he did not desire to make the jectors and Committees, and, above all, that subscription contract more stringent-what Parliament would authoritatively decide he wished was to add the deposit to the whether competition should be considered subscription contract in order to test its an objection or a recommendation to a line. soundness. The money would, of course, THE EARL OF BELMORE wished to be applied to the completion of the scheme, direct attention to the manner in which and was not to be returned to the person the borrowing powers of companies were who had subscribed it. He should depreexercised. The public were told that cate any direct communication with the Parliament had put a limit upon these other House on this subject. The other borrowing powers; but they all knew that House had constantly altered their Standunder the semblance of this limit, money ing Orders without any communication was every day borrowed beyond the au- with that House, and he did not see why thority which Parliament had given. The their Lordships should not do the same. question was, what remedy they could But he should be sorry to do anything apply to this state of things. He did not without giving the whole House and the want to try to make it safe for people to public the means of knowing precisely jump in the dark-you cannot do that, but what alterations he proposed. If they he thought that every company ought to were likely to be beneficial there was every be compelled to make periodical Returns, reason to anticipate that they would be coupled with some system of registration, adopted by the other House. Yet there which should be open to public inspection; were interests that did operate to prevent this would enable the public, to judge for measures which were thought desirable themselves. Last Session he introduced a from being carried into effect. More than Bill on this subject, which passed their two years ago measures were proposed in Lordships' House, but, owing to the lateness the shape of Standing Orders, with a of the Session, did not go further. This view of carrying out a system of efficient Session a Bill, which was substantially the deposit available for the construction of same as his, had been introduced into the lines; but they were defeated. He should other House, and had gone as far as the therefore recommend their Lordships to second reading; but its further progress wait and see how the proposals he made was postponed for the present, until a Bill were received by the other House and the brought forward by the Government on public; and if they saw that the alterthe same subject would reach the same ations proposed would be advantageous, he stage. He trusted the Government would hoped they would have prudence and have no objection to refer both Bills to the courage to adopt them, in order to insure same Committee, in order that a principle that some change should take place in a of registering the securities of railway system which, if suffered to go on, would companies might be considered. lead to the greatest and most serious inconvenience.

LORD REDESDALE, in reply, said, that his object in proposing these alterations was the same as that of the noble Lord on the cross-bench (Lord Overstone) -his desire to see a sounder system of finance in respect of railways. The noble Marquess (the Marquess of Clanricarde) seemed to be of opinion that no legislation could put a stop to "financing," and that whenever a speculator desired to borrow money for his schemes some means would be found for driving a hole through any Standing Orders that might be made. But the effect of having the required capital

House adjourned at half past Seven o'clock, till To-morrow, half past Ten o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS,

Monday, May 14, 1866.

MINUTES.NEW WRITS ISSUED-For Devon-
port, v. John Fleming, esquire, and William
NEW MEMBER SWORN-Ralph Bernal Osborne,
Ferrand, esquire, void Election.
esquire, for Nottingham Town.

SELECT COMMITTEE · On National Gallery En- beg to ask the Secretary of State for the largement nominated.

SUPPLY considered in Committee-Resolutions
[May 10] reported.
PUBLIC BILLS-Ordered-Belfast Constabulary.*
First Reading-Belfast Constabulary * [159].
Second Reading-Re-distribution of Seats [138];
Companies Act (1862) Amendment [139];
Pier and Harbour Orders Confirmation [170];

*

Court of Chancery (Ireland) [19]. Committee-Life Insurances (Ireland) * [141]. Report-Life Insurances (Ireland) * [141]. Third Reading-Crown Lands [98]; Convicts' Property [105]; Landed Property Improvement (Ireland) [118]; Grand Juries Presentment (Ireland)* [89], and passed.

[ocr errors]
[blocks in formation]

That Michael Morris, esquire, is duly elected a Burgess to serve in this present Parliament for the Town or Borough of Galway.

That Sir Rowland Blennerhasset, baronet, is

duly elected a Burgess to serve in this present Parliament for the Town or Borough of Galway. And the said Determinations were ordered to be entered in the Journals of this House.

Home Department, Whether, as the Parliamentary Oaths Amendment Bill has been passed and the Qualification for Offices Abolition Bill having passed both Houses of Parliament, he will consider it necessary in this or in any future Session to bring in a yearly Indemnity Bill, or whether he considers such Indemnity Bill will be unnecessary when the Royal Assent is obtained to the Qualification for Offices Abolition Bill?

SIR GEORGE GREY replied that the principal object with which the Annual Indemnity Bill was passed had been put an end to since the Qualification for Offices Bill had received the Royal Assent. It was, however, desirable, before entirely dispensing with such a Bill, to carefully consider the various Acts of Parliament which might make such a Bill necessary. The question was at present being investigated.

House further informed, That the Committee POLICE AT THE HOUSES OF PARLIAhad agreed to the following Resolutions :

That the Petition presented by John Orrell Lever, esquire, so far as relates to Michael Morris, esquire, is frivolous and vexatious.

That the Petition presented by Nicholas Stubber, esquire, so far as relates to Michael Morris, esquire, is frivolous and vexatious.

That it was proved to the Committee that John

Dillon received £5 from John Kirwan.

That James Mullins received £5 from Michael O'Brien.

That Patrick Needham received the value of £5 in clothes and money from John Kirwan. That Andrew Coen received £5.

That John Garraghty, Peter Garraghty, John Barritt (senior and junior), Geoffrey Murphy, Benjamin Matthews, Michael Curran, and other Voters, received the value of £5 in money and bread stuffs from James Power Keane, on account of having voted for Sir Rowland Blennerhasset, baronet.

That it was not proved to the Committee that such bribery was committed with the knowledge or consent of Sir Rowland Blennerhasset, baronet, or his Agents.

That the Committee have reason to believe that corrupt practices have extensively prevailed at the last Election for the Town or Borough of Galway.

Report to lie upon the Table. Minutes of Evidence taken before the Committee to be laid before this House. (Mr. Hussey Vivian.)

THE ANNUAL INDEMNITY BILL.

QUESTION.

MR. BAINES said, in the absence of his hon. Friend (Mr. Hadfield), he would

MENT.-QUESTION.

LORD ROBERT MONTAGU said, he wished to ask the Under Secretary of State for the Home Department, Whether Houses of Parliament have lately been the Police Constables on duty at the raised from the Third Class of officers to the First Class; if so, whether the extra pay of First Class- Constables, which was authorized by the Secretary of State has been paid to the House of Commons Police; whether their present remuneration (including the gratuity paid to them for their extra services) is not now as low as it was twenty years ago; whether a half of those Constables-who do duty at the Houses of Parliament during the Session, but receive no extra pay during the recess

will receive during the recess their pay on the First Class scale or on the Third Class scale; whether Police Constables receive an addition to their pay throughout the year for service at the various Government Offices; whether Constables who have contributed to the Extra Pension Fund have not, under the regulations of 1864, been deprived of the privilege of the Extra Pension Fund; and, whether the retiring pension of Constables of thirty years' standing will be calculated on the basis of a guinea a week, or on that of the pay of First Class Officers namely, twenty-three shillings?

[ocr errors]
« 이전계속 »