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Debates in Congress on Mr. Henry's Disclosures.

In the Mouse of Representatives. Monday, March 9.

THE message of the President of the United States, transmitting the disclosures of Mr. Henry, a British Agent, having been read, and a motion for printing the same having been made—

Mr. Pitkin said, that he had no objection to the papers being printed; but that he rose to protest against the sentiments attributed to the federal party, being considered as those of the citizens of the state which he had the honor to represent. He trusted it would not be believed, that they had any knowledge of any mission of this kind from Canada, or from any other quarter.

It was the first time that he had heard, that the opposition to the embargo in the states of Vermont or Massachusetts had any connection with the British government, or with any project of a separation of the Union in any manner, much less under the agency of a British Spy. So far as he could understand the papers from the first reading, Mr. P. said they did not intimate, that any disclosure had been made to any individual of the United States by Mr. Henry of the object of his mission, or that his scheme had been advocated or supported by any one. And I trust no gentleman will take the character of the parties in any section of this country, from a man who it seems has proved a traitor to his own government. So far as the statements made in these papers may be considered as involving the party in concert with the federal party, in any scheme of co-operation with the British government in dividing the Union, it is one of the grossest libels that ever was uttered.

Nor do I feel willing to take the character of the people of this country from the mouth of this man. He does not stop at debasing the character of the people of this country, but he utters a libel against all parties and against the government itself. He states, that in the extra-session of Congress in May 1809, there were 61 votes against Mr. Madison, in consequence of his arrangement with Mr. Erskine; when we all know, that the vote on the resolution approv ing of the President's conduct in that affair, was no criterion by which to judge. While, therefore, gentlemen will not, as I presume they will not, place any confidence in the statements made by this man, against themselves and against those whom he stiles democrats; I trust they will be equally incredulous, as to any statements he has made against those he has called federalists, with respect to their co-operation with the British government, in dividing the Union. More especially as they come from one, who, disappointed at not receiving the promised reward from his government, has turned traitor to his employers.

If, sir, there is any individual in this country, who has given countenance to this man as a British agent, and has joined him in a scheme of dividing the Union, under the auspices and with the aid of the British government, I wish he may be known, and I sincerely hope, that the House will institute an enquiry on this subject, and

let every such man be held, as he ought to be, in contempt by all. I found it impossible, sir, to remain silent under the imputations thrown or attempted to be thrown upon that section of the U. States from which I come, by the papers just read. I will repeat my wishes that the whole business may be fully and promptly developed.

Mr. Bibb said, he agreed with the gentleman just sat down on one point, that a full investigation ought to be had. It was due to the Congress, to our connections with Great Britain, that an enquiry should be made into the transaction now exposed to view; and, in addition to the motion for printing, he should move a reference of the message to the committee of Foreign Relations.

Mr. Widgery said, it was an old saving among gunners, that you may know the wounded pigeons by their fluttering. He would not undertake,as the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Pitkin) had done, to exenorate his constituents in a body from any implication in this One thing, he said, he knew; that the relation given in these documents so exactly coincided with the conduct of some gentlemen in the quarter in which he lived, that he was led to believe in their truth. It by no means followed, because this man had been a spy, that he could not tell the truth. When we look back to the times at which his letters were written, we must believe in their substantial truth. He called upon gentlemen to say if the conduct of certain characters in those days did not warrant all that was stated of their designs. Let the papers be printed, said Mr. W. and every one will be able to judge for themselves. Are we to shut our proceedings from the public view in this way, by refusing to publish these things? It is one of the most important communications made to Congress at the present session, and why should not the people see it? Let them see and judge. I will make no comments, sir, on this business: but I will say, that it is well known that at the time alluded to in those documents, an opposition to the laws and government was organized. Mr. Widgery said, he had full confidence in the truth of these documents, and he had therefore no disposition to keep them from his constituents. The house was in duty bound to give full publicity to these papers, by printing them.

Mr. Pitkin disavowed any intention to oppose the printing of these papers.

Mr. Gholson said, it was a source of gratification to him, that, so far as the papers communicated by the President could be considered evidence at all, they were certainly highly honorable testimony in favor of the eastern section of the Union. An emissary of great talents had been employed by the British in a nefarious scheme to dismember the United States, and to engender treason in the very bosom of our country; and yet, (said Mr. G.) it does not seem that this spy has been able to connect with himself any citizen of the United States. If he had held correspondence with any persons of distinction, the presumption is, their names would have been disclosed in the papers that have been read. Mr. G. was happy in

cherishing the belief that the liberties of this country would always find a sufficient guarantee against machinations of this sort, in the patriotism of every portion of the Union. This communication, for which the House was indebted to the President, was (Mr. G. said) highly interesting and important in one point of view. It demonstrated as matter of fact what had heretofore remained only speculation and conjecture, that the British government has long meditated the separation of these States; and what is more, that they have actually attempted the execution of this wicked design, and have endeavored to convert our own citizens into traitors! He would say

no more.

Mr. Quincy said, he was much obliged to the gentleman last up for the view which he had taken of the subject. It had struck him previously with much force, and he meant to have taken the floor to have expressed it. If ever there had existed in the British government, or any other government, an idea that there was a party in this country, who would associate with it to dissolve this Union, he thanked God that the project was exposed. If it was true, as these papers stated, that this man had been so employed, he thanked God that the mission had been detected. Administration, in bringing the subject before the House, had done worthily, and the subject ought to be enquired into. What (said Mr. Q.) is the fact, admitting all that this person has said to be true? Why, that an agent from the British government, under circumstances peculiarly auspicious and suitable to his purpose, goes to the spot which he represents as the hot-bed of opposition, to stir up disunion, and his papers do not contain an intimation that he dared to mention such an idea as that of a dissolution of the Union to any individual. No, Sir; and I dare to say that he never did mention such a thing to any distinguished individual. As far as I know the sentiments of gentlemen in that quarter, they hold this Union dear, and look upon such a connection, as is supposed in these papers, with as much abhorrence as any man, however attached he may be to the administration of the government. Whenever a dismemberment of the Union has been talked of, it has been with awe, and with a fear that the present course of public measures would lead to such an event; not with a view to bring it about. Sir, I know that other ideas have been spread over the country, for the purpose of serving party views. But here in this temple of our liberties, let us reason with one another according to the evidence before us. I rejoice that the subject has been brought forward, and that an agent so peculiarly adapted to the business in which he was employed, has not been able to furnish any evidence of even the connivance of any individual at his mission.

Mr. Rhea said, at the time he had made the motion for printing, he had not the least idea that any opposition would be made to it. He did not say whether these papers were true or not true; whether they attacked any people or not. He hoped, therefore, the discussion of these points would cease. It was no reason against the publica

tion of these documents that they had been disclosed by a British .agent. [The Speaker observed, that no objection had been made by any gentleman to the printing.] All the transactions respecting Andre and Arnold had been printed, so far as the Congress could lay their hands on them; and why not these? If this man be a British spy or traitor as he has been called, and what he states is not true, one thing is admitted; that the British are capable of employing persons of infamous character, by fabrications like these, to throw an odium on particular sections of the country. So that, on any view, this affair should be disclosed, if it were only to produce a firm union among the people. We all remember, said Mr. R. the publications of the period to which these papers refer, and the declarations then made; but all these would not induce me, at this moment, to say that all Mr. Henry says is true. This will be better understood

when the committee shall make their report.

Mr. Seybert moved to increase the number of copies, proposed to be printed, to 5000.

Mr. Wright said, that such an extraordinary communication as that just received from the President, reflecting so much on various sections and parties of the Union, required serious consideration before they consented to publish such gross abuse of every portion of our people. Gentlemen should reflect that this very disclosure might be one of the means used by this miscreant to divide this If he wished to promote division, how could he better attain his object than by denouncing the people of a particular section? Who is this man, said Mr. W. and where is he? is an enquiry that ought to be made. I am not one of those who would, without enquiry, take the words of a spy, traitor, and villain, as truth. It might be well, Mr. W. said, to print a sufficient number for the House, but no more,until they knew more about it. However gentlemen in the eastern States might have been dissatisfied at particular measures, the embargo law for instance, their opposition to them had arisen from their operation on their particular interests; not that they had any disposition to sever themselves from the Union. This business had been very correctly communicated by the Executive to Congress; but they ought to act on it with temper, prudence, and coolness. Mr. W. protested against considering any such disposition as it attributed to a certain party, to exist, particularly in the spot which has been frequently and emphatically stiled the cradle of the revolution. He could not feel the same disposition which some appeared to do, to give consequence to this affair.

Mr. Troup did not consider these papers as involving the character of any portion of our people; they appeared to him to be calculated merely to put the people on their guard against foreign emissaries or agents employed for the purpose of effecting a dismemberment of this Union. As to the opinions this person expresses of parties, &c. they are merely the individual speculations of this man, and cannot have much weight. But the documents have a most important

bearing, said Mr. T. They establish the fact, that a foreign government, on the eve of hostility with us, has for some time past employed an agent to foment divisions among us, and another fact, which, considered in connection with other circumstances, is of great importance; they shew the deep rooted hostility of this foreign power to our republican government and liberties; a hostility, which could stop nothing short of a dismemberment of the country. After the affair of the Wabash, when it was said that the Indians had been instigated by the same enemy to hostilities against us, the British minister's choler rose; he denied the whole. He avails himself of suggestions in public prints to deny their statements; to state that so far from a disposition to stir up the Indians against us, the contrary was the fact; that, indeed, Sir James Craig has been intent on diverting Indian hostilities. Sir, may we not reasonably believe him to have fomented Indian hostilities in one part of the country, whilst in another he was promoting disunion in the body of the people? These, Sir, are the only facts disclosed of importance; the only facu which would justify the publication of more than the ordinary number of copies.

Mr. Randolph said, that although he was of opinion that the suggestion of the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Wright) was entitled to greater weight than was allowed to it by the gentleman from Georgia, yet he would submit to the consideration of the gentleman from Maryland, and of the House, whether, in a government like ours, documents of the nature of those read this morning, publicly, audibly, and articulately read, in the presence of several note-takers, to say nothing of the notes taken by gentlemen themselves; whether it was possible, even if desirable, that the contents of these papers could be kept from the public eye? Was it not better that an authorized and correct transcript of them under the sanction of the House should be sent to press, than that they should be mutilated, and presented to the public with no more similitude to the original than the reports, which passed to the great mass of the nation, of the acts and proceedings of this House? Ours is a government of the people, and ought to have no secrets. It is a government, which, from the very nature of its origin, cannot use that dispatch and promptitude of action, to the success of which secrecy is so very valuable and favorable. On the whole, then, although he conceived the suggestions of the gentleman from Maryland entitled to the highest respect, because he thought they did honor at once to his heart and understanding, yet perhaps it would be as well to send these papers to press; although he believed that the opinion of a discreet and select committee of the House on the subject would not render the decision less mature or less safe.

But there was another aspect in which these papers were to be viewed. If they were worthy of being communicated to the house by the Executive, under the discharge of a solemn constitutional obligation, they are or ought to be worthy of being acted upon by us.

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