CONGRESSIONAL REPORTER.

No. 29.] TWELFTH CONGRESS.... FIRST SESSION. [1811-12.

Debate on the Bill to authorize the Importation of Goods, Wares, and Merchandise, under certain circumstances, from Great Britain, her Colonies, or Dependencies.

[Continued.]

April 9, 1812.

sale of bills exchange his property in England for property in this country. But the amount of American property in England evidently cannot be affected by this transaction. That amount can only be reduced by the importation of merchandize or specie. The whole question is one of comparative benefit to England and to America; but it may be feared, that the decision may be influenced by what seems (to me at least) an erroneous view of political consistency. A wavering and timid policy indeed can never be wise. But such is not the character of the measure which is proposed. The non-importation law was calculated to prevent England from obtaining our produce in exchange for her manufactures. The operation of the embargo, and of the war which will succeed it, will be to prevent her from obtaining our produce at all. The proposed measure, under the circumstances of the time, is not a suspension for a day of the principle of the non-importation act, because its effects, as I have endeavored to prove, cannot be to enable England to procure our produce in exchange for her manufactures. But if our restrictive system has been found insufficient, and we have determined to apply war in aid of it, the modification of either system, of war or restriction, which is adopted in order to give energy to the other, cannot fairly be charged with inconsistency. The inconsistency is rather in determining to make war, and in refusing those preparatory steps which would render it vigorous and honorable.

I have intended to argue, sir, entirely on the supposition that the non-importation act was in itself wise. The firmest believer in the efficacy of commercial restrictions may consistently adopt a measure which, while it is of the utmost advantage to us, can afford but little relief to the enemy. Candor, however, obliges me to own, that in every view of its policy which I am capable of taking, the restrictive system appears incompatible with the situation and the character of our citizens. If, in a view of political economy, it were wise-if, in a view to its permanent execution, it were possible-I should still think (what from the first project of a non-importation law I have always thought) that its advantages would be too dearly purchased, by presenting our government to its citizens in the constant attitude of repressing their enterprize, and punishing their industry. I hadrather that we should lose twenty yessels by capture to a foreign enNo. 29.

emy, against whom the resentment of our citizens would be direct ed, than that one should be confiscated by our own laws. But while I make this avowal of an opinion which I fear differs from that of a majority of the house, I must add, that the measure now proposed is supported by arguments perfectly consistent with a general approbation of the non-importation law.

The only question is not whether England shail procure our produce in exchange for her manufactures-but, whether having obtained our produce, she shall pay for it.

After Mr. Lowndes concluded his fpeech, the question was taken on flriking out the firft fection of the bill, and negatived by a large majority.

Mr. Lowndes having read an amendment which he intended to propsfe, going to the admiffion of all goods which fhould arrive in this country previous to the first of Auguft next

Mr. M'KIM faid, be apprehended the object of the gentleman from South Carolina was a general fufpenfion of the nonimportation act. In a national point of view, it would be better that the entire amount of the property in England should be loft, than at this time entirely to repeal this act. Some object certainly Congrefs had in view in laying this reftriction. I afk, faid he, whether that object is attained? The arrival of the bill now before us in England had the effect to make the people of that country believe that we cannot do without Great Britain; that we cannot fuftain a conteft with her. This conviction will ftrengthen them, and imprefs upon the minds of the people of this country the belief that our only object in fupporting war measures was to deceive them. To fhew why to my mind, it would be better to lofe the whole property than agree to the propofed amendments, I call the attention of gentlemen to the ftate of our manufactures. I have been unemployed myfelf for four years paft, becaufe commerce has been too hazardous to embark in it. I have been deterred from embarking in fuch establishments by a fear that government would defert me and let me be overrun by European manufactures. The operation of this law will tend to deftroy them, and vitally injure the intereft of our own country; for it is my belief that whenever we can within the United States fupply our own wants, we shall then be an united people, and prefent a formidable front to whomfoever fhall attack our rights. In my view it is our foundeft policy to aim at that defirable point. I hope the amendment will not be agreed to, though I am de firous to accommodate those who have property in England, whenever we can do it confiftently with the public good.

Mr. WRIGHT faid, he could not but confider this whole bill as a breach of our plighted faith to France. Let us regard our faith, faid he, and preferve our honor. When the Executive authority thall-declare to us that France has departed from

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the contract, I fhall then, and not till then, feel myself perfectly at large; and until that event take place, I hope gentlemen will be difpofed to poftpone the confideration of this fubject.

Mr. WINN moved, that the committee rife and report progrefs.

Mr. CHEVES faid, it was of the utmost importance that the queftion on the adoption of this bill fhould be decided immediately, if at all. An early decifion was neceffary to the execution of the measure if it thould be adopted. If we are on the verge of war, and we have taken the laft ftep which fhould precede it, one from which we cannot recede, the object of the bill can only be effected between the prefent moment and the time fixed for war. One day's delay then would be injurious. This is an argument fo felf-evident as to obviate the neceffity of enforcing it. Even thofe oppofed to the measure ought to be in favor of an early decifion on it. If it fhould be adopted, even they would with us to derive all poffible good from it; but if procraftinated, we fhould fuffer all the evil and enjoy none of the good. In another point of view an early decifion was of importance. The agitation of this question gave great room for fpeculation. Mr. C. made further oblervations to prove the propriety of proceeding at this time in the difcuffion

When the motion for the committee's rifing was withdrawn. Mr. C. proceeded. The merits of this queftion, he faid, had been fo fully and ably illuftrated by his colleague, that he had not preffed what he propofed to fay upon the committee; waiting till others who had objections to the bill fhould have urged them, when he had propofed to venture a fhort reply. But as no one appeared difpofed now to oppofe the bill before the committee rofe, he fhould take the liberty of offering a brief view of the fubject. The grounds of objection to the bill probably were

1. That it was a violation of our compact with France.

2. That its paffage would have an injurious effect by diminishing the preffure of the non-importation act on Great Britain. 3. That it will have an injurious effect on ourselves by depreffing the fpirit of the country.

And lastly, that it will reprefs the exertions of our manufacturers, and check the profperity of their rifing establifhments.

Mr. C. faid, he agreed with gentlemen on the importance of national honor. As men, as citizens, as gentlemen, he hoped they never fhould be infenfible to feelings of that kind; and it was impoffible that the active and lucid mind of his friend from South Carolina (Mr. Lowndes) fhould have failed to perceive its bearing on this queftion; and he accordingly placed it on its proper ground. I had the honor, faid Mr. C. with the worthy gentleman from Maryland, on a former occafion, to give my aid in fupporting what I conceived to be the national faith. But I did not then mean, fir, that a yoke fhould be hung round the neck of this proud-fpirited nation; that we fhould march in the

track of France; that we fhould bind ourselves to fupport fuch measures as her policy required. After the fpirit of this nation had risen higher; when I had fuppofed the People, from one extreme of the continent to the other, had determined no longer to trifle with half way measures, but end our differences by decisive war; I had not fuppofed that our compact with France was fuch as to prevent our carrying advantageoufly into effect this more manly courfe. I will not confider it as a compact regarding the interefts of France and to bind us forever; but, if I were to confider the interefts of France alone, I would ask if the mealure of embargo, which we adopted the other day, be not ten times as ftrong as that which was before in force. I look, however, at the interefts of this People; I look too at their honor; but I see nothing in the compact with France, to prevent our taking this ftep. After our arrangement with that nation, there was an act paffed which violated equally its letter, permitting the importation of certain goods, shipped previous to the first day of February; but that measure was neceffary to fecure our citizens from extenfive losses which would have been innocently incurred, and it was recognised by the courfe fubfequently purfued by France. But now a measure is propofed which has become more necessary to our interefts, to a great courte of policy, to war-and thall fuch an objection as the alledged violation of our compact with France arreft us in this great and determined march? I appeal to the feelings and impreffions of the House. They are often a clearer refult of wife judgment than any thing produced by the most obvious chain of argument. What, I ask, is the determination of the Houfe? That we fhall have no longer continuance of the restrictive fyftem, but war in lieu of it. If fo, I afk you, fir, if you will not prepare for war. If war be morally certain, I will afk whether a meafure necessary in that event can be confidered a violation of our compact with France ? Whether it be necessary, in the execution of any compact with France, to execute the reftrictive fyftem in connection with war, when it is to work such evil to ourselves? Let us look further, fir. Suppofe we thould not go to war with Great Britain ; that we should act a part which I fhould fail in performing what we have fo often declared our intention to be; that we fhould not carry into effect the refolve fo repeatedly made-who will continue this fyftem? I for one will not. Our national injuries call for this ftep; and if we have not war at or before the termination of the embargo, I for one will recede from our prefent reftrictive meafures. I appeal to the high fpirit of my friend from Maryland, whether he himself would view the non-importation as a fit meafure of retaliation; whether he himself would not fay to the mercantile part of the community, in fuch an event, "go and protect yourselves; defend your own rights, as we abandon them!" This is what I would fay, and I think my honorable friend would fay the fame. If we are refolved on war, on

the other hand, as I believe we are, and the embargo be preliminary, is not the measure of reftriction merged in this ftronger measure? It certainly is. This then, fir, terminates the argument as regards our compact with France.

We will view it now as the measure will affect England-Will it affect England beneficially in any thing like the degree in which it would benefit us? On the one hand it will relieve Great Britain by affording a vent for a portion of her furplus productions; on the other it will give America as much national wealth, as much money, as will be fufficient to fupport a five years' war. It will give her revenue, if the whole amount of American capital be brought home,, equal to the loan of eleven millions of dollars which you have authorised. On a low calculation it will give to the country fifty millions of dollars of capital, which will enrich its citizens, fertilise its foil, and greatly benefit its manufacturing interefts. I repeat, fir, it will aid instead of depreffing our manufacturing eftablifhments. With the advantages of light taxation, cheap fubfiftence, a population to confume our manufactures, with many neighboring markets and abundance of the necessary raw materials, why has not this country already fuperceded Great Britain to the extent of these demands? Nothing has prevented but the want of capital. Encrease your capital and you will foon have flourishing manufacturing establishments; for they require three times as much capital as commercial eftablifhments; and more of courfe than has heretofore been at liberty to be diverted to that channel. If you throw upon the country a flood of capital, and then clofe your ports fo as to preclude the employment of the capital in commerce, manufacturing eftablishments will thrive-This proves that nothing depresses them but the want of capital; and in fupport of this, I appeal to the gentleman from Philadelphia wheththe duration of the late embargo was not the era of the effectual commencement of their manufacturing establifhments. It was, and it operated thus beneficially to manufactures by locking up in our country the capital previously employed in commerce. We shall not benefit England, then, by this measure fo much as ourfelves. To her, it will facilitate her merchants in the mode of paying her debts; to us, it will fecure the payment of a vaft debt to our merchants which might otherwise be wholly loft.

But it is faid that this measure will elevate the fpirit of the British nation. I apprehend this argument to be erroneous. What, fir, will be its effect in this particular? It will convince Great Britain and her fubjects of the great importance of the friendship of America as a cuftomer. If it produce a benefit to her by elevating the spirit of the people while enjoying the advantage, it will deprefs them on the other hand when it is torn from them, and inspire them with a difguft to a war in fupport of her injuftice towards us. It will have a greater effect in this refpect than a victorious battle. It will fhew them and make