them fel the evil of a war with us. On balancing the evil and benefit to us to be produced by this measure on the fpirit of the people of England, we fhall find the scale to preponderate in our favor..

How will this measure affect our manufacturing eftablifhments? Will it affect them injurioufly? No, fir. It is intended to fubmit to the confideration of the committee amendments leading to the adoption of double duties on all importations of foreign goods. Thefe duties are intended as a war fyftem; and believing the country on the eve of war, I have thought it almoft madnefs or folly-I mean no difrefpect to the Houfe or any member of it, but it has appeared to me to be almoft madness or folly not to poffefs the country of all its capital at the moment we are about to engage in an arduous and calamitous war, when it is allo recommended by fuch an acceffion of revenue. Double duties will give to our manufaЯurers an advantage they have never heretofore poffeffed-and is there a fingle gentleman in the Houfe who would fay that we fhould clofe our ports for ever to encourage manufactures? Such a meafure would not be effectual-but would it be wife to depress three-fourths, nine-tenths of the community, to benefit one? Such a policy, if purfued, would make the country poor and miferable in the experiment to make it independent. Our manufacturers ought not to ask, and if they afked they ought not to receive, fuch a protection as would prove the deftruction of commerce and agriculture.

But the fpirit of the people of the United States, we are told, will be depreffed by it-the people will believe we are not ferious in our intention to go to war. Really, fir, if we have not with. in us that firmnefs which will fuftain us againft difficulties of this kind; if we are to be blown about from pole to pole by every zephyr which we mistake for popular fentiment, there is an end to our proceedings. But if we have within ourselves firmnefs enough to carry us through; if the people are difpofed to fupport us, they will look with tendernefs even on our errors. We muft put out of view confiderations of this kind. We muft believe the people as refolved as ourselves, and that they will have the good fenfe to fee that fecuring individual property and increafing the national wealth cannot operate national injury. Look at the arguments which are prefented to you in fupport of a measure. If they fatisfy your mind of its propriety, truft to the people, among whom good fenfe is more generally diffused throughout every part of this country than in any other on earth, for an approbation of your conduct. If the reafons in favor of a measure are infufficient, reject it; but if otherwife, truft to the people who will as readily as yourfelf difcover the force of the arguments which had influenced your mind. The people will immediately themfelves feel the advantages and benefit of this meafure, and will fee the wifdom and forecaft of the policy which induced its adoption. I believe we have now in Great Britain a capital equal

to the whole amount of our banking capital. Now, fir, if any gentleman will look at our towns and fee how they have flourished; look at the ftately buildings which have rifen, at the forefts which have fallen, and the cultivation which gladdens our fields under the influence of this power-he will fee all this benefit refulting from the employment of a fum not greater than that which will remain in the hands of our enemy at the commencement of an arduous war with that enemy. On the verge of a war with one nation, and in a ftate which is certainly equivocal, to fay no more, with another, we muft look with apprehenfion at the pow er of both; and this youngest nation, it is propofed, fhall commence a war, bereft of a large portion of her refources which the leaves in the grafp of her enemy. The people have eyes to fee and ears to hear, and will approve the redemption of this property from its prefent peril. This argument will stand of itself. The measure now before us is wife in itfelf; and befides being intrinfically proper, it is one of which the people will not fail immediately to feel the benefit. It is not only wife, fir, but it will be popular.

Mr. BOYD. Mr. Chairman-I wish to make fome obfervations in favor of the committee rifing, and against the bill.

Sir-Should not the multitude of words be answered? and fhall unlimited and confident affertions pafs for reafon and argument? The gentlemen juft fat down (Mr. Lowndes and Mr. Cheves) have dealt largely in affertions, all of which remain to be proved, before they are entitled to that weight and importance that they affume. They, in fupport of the bill, fay that it is bot tomed on strict juftice and found undeniable policy; and a fuitable and proper prelude to war. They alfo ftate, that the property in England purchased and paid for before the iffuing of the Prefident's proclamation, amounts to many millions, 50 if I remember right. Now, fir, I afk where is the proof of this fact to be found? To my mind, it is not probable, that there was bought and paid for under the then exifting circumftances more than one fifteenth part of that fum. But I will fuppofe that we are to be referred to petitions, artfully and ingenioufly expressed, and by men unknown to us, and for the purpose of obtaining an exemption from the operation of law, and a bounty for their nonconformity. No, fir, not fo, I truft. My maxim is, be true to yourfelves, and obferve ftability and firmness in the execution of your laws. Let me afk, what nation or people will or can have confidence in a government under fuch verfatile and unftable conduct? You have taken the treaty-making out of the hands of the Prefident into your own, by paffing a law directing him to offer to both the belligerents certain propofitions of equal tenor, and that the power refufing to relinquifh her orders or decrees after the acceptance of the terms by the other, fhould be interdicted by proclamation, [what is now called the non-intercourfe.] This he did, and in conformity to your own deliberate propofi

tion and law. And let me afk, what was your law intended for? I will fay, to obtain and fecure your commercial rights; and moft furely in favor of and for merchants. And was not that law notorious to them? And if they, as merchants, choose to rifk their property, pray who is to blame? Muft you repeal your law to cover or excufe their prefumption? But the fupporters of the bill fay, it is because it is American property; therefore, they would repeal the law. They alfo fay, it is calculated to increase American manufactures, and to augment our capital, and thereby enable us to go to war. This is archly political, and too · refined for me.

It is my opinion, that in the present state of England and the practice of custom-house proofs, that under a repeal of the law we would receive (if indeed it could be got in) to the amount of 100 millions worth of their manufactures. But how are you to get it in? Those gentlemen say, it is a prelude to war. Suppose your orders sent out, to ship the goods bought and paid for, and to be bought (for such is the plan) will not England know that you are to declare war against her, and seize them before they arrive in this country, when at the same time you tell them that you will declare war in 60 or 90 days at furthest? I think that they would all but what belonged to their own agents coming under British licence, and will have more of that sort in motion than any other. But I will suppose that they should get in safe, contrary to all probability, would it not inundate the country with their goods to the total destruction of our infant manufactories, and furnish those same good and innocent people, the merchants, with an opportunity to filch from the hard earnings of our cultivators at least 50 per cent. if war, 100, should war, as they assert, take place. And this is their way of favoring American manufactures! Sir, this does not comport with my idea of independence, and encouragement to our infant establishments; no, sir, it is precisely the reverse, those gentlemen to the contrary notwithstanding. To me, sir, it appears, that if the bill should pass, we should furnish Great Britain with a large capital; relieve her starving mechanics, and bankrupt manufacturers, and enable them to get off their hands a great quantity and at this time perishing goods. It has also been said in support of this bill, as well as others, that all our restrictive measures have only injured ourselves, and have had no sensible operation on England, and now we are about to take a manly attitude. This again is assertion-What saith fact? Let me mention one, and see whether it will not be as good as assertions without proofs. I allude to the embargo and non-intercourse. It brought Great Britain to the acknowledgement of our rights, by the arrangement made by Mr.Erskine,their minister; and in my opinion would now do so if properly applied. A word about our consistency of conduct. We have been more than five months in session, talking loudly of war; by our conduct inviting our merchants to double their diligence in shipping off all our surplus produce; and I understand that they have improved their time beyond example, ex

porting perhaps nothing short of a year's supply to the British in Spain, Portugal, and their West India possessions; I may add their navy. And now, when you have given that nation that you have marked out for an enemy one year's full supply, by which you have enabled her to wage that war with you that she could not otherwise have done, at least without much greater embarrassment than she will now experience, then lay an embargo for 60 or 90 days, and let your merchants lose by a partial repeal of the non-intercourse. It seems that it is not quite all that we are to help them to; but put their manufacturers in a situation to enable them to pay their taxes, feed themselves, and support their government. Let me ask, by what it is that the government of Britain is supported? Is it not by her manufactories and commerce? And are not manufactures the foundation of this commerce? I have said that you have furnished her with one year's supply for all her great purposes, and now stop short and lay an embargo (what you ought to have done five months since, if you intended war as the mode of obtaining our rights) and say that we have a great deal of money due to us. Let us get home our property and then. Well, what are you going to get? Money? No no, that is rather a scarce article with her at this time. But we will get it in goods, it is said; the country needs them. Is not this to tell her that you cannot do without her; and at a time when you will declare war too? all this may be unanswerable argument of the supporters of the bill. But, sir, it does not square with my ideas either of consistency, good policy, or justice.

Sir, nothing but the manner and positive mode of the speakers in favor of the bill called me up. I had not intended to obtrude any ob servations of mine on the committee; and am sensible that what I have said is but illy connected. But, sir, I will add, that no government can stand long or be respected abroad or at home, that hath no stability and confidence in itself, and stability and firmness in its laws. No sir; pursue this unstable way, temporising on the spur of every accidental occasion, and you never will have your laws regarded. I hope that the committee will reject the bill.

The committee then rose, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again.

April 10.

The order of the day having been called for on the above billMr. PLEASANTS said, he had no scruple in declaring that his mind had been in a greater state of doubt as to the propriety of this measure, and what ought to be done in relation to it, than perhaps as to any other measure which had been agitated during the present session. We are, said he, in a singular situation, in which we found ourselves at the commencement of the session. After all the deliberation which a large majority of this House have bestowed on that situation, and after the consideration of a number of propositions of the most important nature, it has appeared to be the determination of a large majority of this body, and of a majority in the other branch of the Legislature, to follow a certain course. Every

step taken at the present session has had that object in view. In this. state of things, a state in which we shall remain until a bold step be taken to the point to which the attention of all is directed, we find before us a bill contemplating a measure, the expediency of adopting which is at least very doubtful. The arguments of the gentleman from South-Carolina yesterday have thrown my mind into a state of suspence as to this measure. The advantages to be derived from it were clearly pointed out yesterday. But there are two sides to the question, and I do not hesitate to say it is calculated to make an impression on the present state of things greater than is generally imag ined. I have imparted my doubts on this subject freely to other gentlemen, many of whom seem to entertain the same sentiments. Nothing, sir, shall make me for any partial interest depart from the course which I have laid down for my conduct this session. The great question to my mind is, will this measure be a departure from this course or not? I am in doubt. I hope for good consequences on the one hand, but fear for bad ones on the other. A very gene ral impression has been produced on foreign governments,and indeed on this people also, that our councils are so vibratory, so oscillating, that we are incapable of carrying into effect our own resolves. It is of the utmost importance to us that that impression should be done away, almost at any hazard. It is the interest of no party, but of the whole people, that our character should be fixed; that we should no longer be the sport of foreigners, nor an object of distrust to our own citizens. How shall we effect this important, this desirable ob ject? to my mind there appears but one course; and that course has been pursued with a consistency and determination which has given pleasure to my heart. I shall not now, sir, undertake to state to the House the reasons which induce me to believe the passage of this bill a measure of doubtful propriety. Every thing I now propose is to request the House to pause before they adopt it. It is a most serious question. I doubt exceedingly whether any single act we could do, unless an open abandonment of our intention to go to war, could be so well calculated to mar the great object we have in view. For which reasons, sir, I move, that the further consideration of this bill be postponed to Monday week.

Mr. LOWNDES said, he had expected this motion to be support. ed on the grounds of its importance and the necessity of deliberate action; and he had therefore been surprised to find that this was argued on the expediency of the bill. Mr. L. said, he should assent to the motion just made, and stated the reason why he should do so. He owed it to himself, he said, to state that his first opinion was unshaken. Without designing to trench on the rules of decorum prop, erly observed in the House, he must say he was astonished at what appeared to him the blindness of the policy which required the re jection of this bill. Confirmed as he was in the opinion he yesterday expressed in favor of this measure, he was only induced to refrain from pressing its decision by the single consideration that if decided without further opportunity for reflection, it might not be carried,