rabia---skirts along the coasts of Coromandel and Ceylon---stops for a moment for refreshment at the Cape of Good Hope---visits her plantations of the Isles of France and Bourbon---sweeps along the whole of the Antilles---doubles Cape Horn to protect the whalemen in the Northern and Southern Pacific Oceans---crosses the American continent from Queen Charlotte's Sound to Hudson's Bay---glancing in the passage at her colonies of the Canadas, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick-thence continues to Newfoundland, to look after and foster her fisheries, and then takes her departure for the United Kingdoms of England, Ireland and Scotland, nor rests till she reaches the Orkneys---the ultima Thule of the geography of the ancients. Such an overgrown commercial colonial power as this, never before existed. True, sir, she has an enormous national debt of 700 mil. lions of pounds sterling, and a diurnal expenditure of a million of dollars, which, while we are whining about a want of resources, would in six short weeks wipe off the whole public debt of the United States. Will these mill-stones sink her? Will they subject her to the power of France? No, sir; burst the bubble to-morrow---destroy the fragile basis on which her public credit stands, the single word confidence---spunge her national debt---revolutionize her government --cut the throats of all the royal family....dreadful as would be the process, she would rise with renovated vigor from the fall, and present to her enemy a more imposing, irresistible front than ever. No, sir; Great Britain cannot be subjugated by France---the genius of her institutions---the genuine, game-cock, bull-dog spirit of her people will lift her head above the waves long after the dynasty of Bonaparte---the ill gotter power of France,collected by perfidy, plunder and usurpation,like the unreal image of old, composed of clay, and of iron, and of brass, and of silver, and of gold, shall have crumbled into atoms. From this belief, I acknowledge I derive a sentiment of gratulation. In New England our blood is unmixed---we are the direct descendants of Englishmen---we are natives of the soil---in the Legislature of the respectable and once powerful State of Massachusetts, now in session, composed of near seven hundred members, to my knowl edge, not a single foreigner holds a seat. As great Britain wrongs us I would fight her. Yet I should be worse than a Barbarian, did I not rejoice that the sepulchres of our fore-fathers which are in that country would remain unsacked, and their coffins rest undisturbed, by the unhallowed rapacity of the Goths and Saracens of modern Europe. How, then, sir, will it be asked, are we to operate on a power such as I have described? Let us have these thirty frigates---she cannot blockade them---our coasts are in our favor---the elements are in our favor---from November to March, in the Northern States I mean, all the navies of all the world could not blockade them in our ports--with our inclement weather and northeast and southeast storms, and hazardous shores, and tempestuous northwest gales which afford the best chances to go off the coast-enemy's ships of war could not keep their stations. Divide these thirty frigates into six squadrons---place them in the northern ports ready for sea---and at favorable moments we would pounce upon her West India Islands, and repeat the game of De Grasse and D'Estaing in '79 and '80. By the time she was looking for us there, we would be round Cape Horn cutting up her whalemen. When pursued there we would skim away to the Indian Ocean, and look after her China and India fleets, of whom we would give a far different account than that of Linois the Frenchman. Occasionally we would look after her Quebec fleet---her Jamaica fleet-sometimes we would do as the French privateers now do, make our appearance in the chops of the Channel, and now and then we might even wind north about, and look into the Baltic. We should sometimes meet with disasters, but we have abundant means to repair them---well managed, it would require a hundred British frigates to watch the movements of these thirty. These are the means, sir, by which I would bring Great Britain not to our feet,but to her senses. The government of Great Britain is in some degree a popular one-two branches of her government, the King and the Commons, are governed by the popular sentiment, and the hospital of the incurables must always follow suit-touch the popular sentiment effectually and you contol the Commons-the Commons by withholding the supplies and the civil list, control the King and obtain a change in the ministry and a change of measures. In this way you obtained the peace of 1783-had it depended on the King and the Lords, you would not have had a peace until this time. We can touch the popular sentiment. With the fleet I have mentioned we could harrass greatly the commerce of Great Britain-we could bring her people to their senses---we could make them ask their government, for what object they continued thus to violate (our rights? whether it was for the interest of Great Britain to throw us into the lap of her enemy? Whether it was for her interest to rembitter us towards her still more? Whether it was for her interest to sever the principal line of connection between her and us, by obliging us to become a manufacturing people, and on this head we could already make an exhibit that would astonish both friends and foeswhether it was for her interest to force us to become prematurely a great maritime nation, destined one day or other to dispute with her the sceptre of the ocean? In short, I would make the people ask -their government eui bono in this war. And the moment this is effected on both sides the water, the war is terminated the business is finished and you have only to agree on fair and equal terms of peace. Look at the expense and effect of the measures you have adopted. You are to have a standing army of 35,000 men, 50,000 volunteers, -and 100,000 of the militia. These you cannot get into actual service without the militia, at a less expense than 45 millions of dollars an nually the ways and means proposed being less is no evidence to the contrary-no experienced military man can estimate it at less. What are you to do with it? You over-run Canada without material difficulty, Quebec expected-that Gibraltar of the American Continent can only be taken by regular siege and investment-you must starve it cut, but it will be provisioned for three years at least, and before you get there, it will be fully garrisoned by experienced troops. Thus then to get Quebec you have got to summer and winter a siege in the face of an able and veteran garrison for three years, and in a climate where, during its long winters, the thermometer sometimes stands at 30 deg. below Zero, and the centinels freeze at their posts. Suppose it then falls-what do you then get? The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Giles) has already told you, your enemy takes possession of New Orleans, New York, Newport, or some other prominent and importa nt point-you then let one hand wash the other.....make the exchange, and leave off just where you began with a debt of 130 millions, and the country subjected to all the evils of war. Instead of three years expense of the land forces, take one year— call it 45 millions of dollars instead of 130 millions-----contrast this with the expense of a navy. The existing naval force of the United States may be estimated as equal to ten stout frigates 20 additional 36 gun frigates would cost agreeably to the estimate of the Secretary of the Navy of Nov. 19, 1811-162,000 dollars each, equal, 20 new frigates, to Annual expense of thirty 36 gun frigates according to the same estimate at $ 102,000 annually, is $3,420,000 $3,060,000 Multiply this sum ten times for ten years service, and it would give $30,600,000 Add the first cost in complete order of 20 additional fri- 3,420,000 5,832,000 Thus giving an efficient maritime force of thirty frigates in complete order for ten years, with a surplus left sufficient to replace every ship of this fleet, should every one of the thirty in that time be lost or destroyed by the enemy. Give us then a navy. The Senate have proceeded thus far with a unanimity and harmony highly honorable to them as men and as statesmen. This measure will be considered as the test of our sin cerity for one, if it be not acceded to, however reluctant it may be to my feelings, to divide at a moment like this, without an effectual defence being given us, I shall not consent to burthen my constituents with Annual loans to a large amount; additional 25 per cent. retention on drawbacks; thereby destroying the colonial trade, and crippling the Treasury instead of replenishing it; new and heavy tonnage duties on our own vessels; duties on salt; on licences; on auction sales, frequently the last refuge of the distressed; on refined sugars; on carriages, chaises, and waggons, for the carriage of persons; on spirits Nor shall I, under such circumstances, by my vote consent to impose on them stamp and direct taxes, cum multis aliis, that must follow-expenses that ought not to be gone into, except for the purpose of vigorously prosecuting a war in such a manner as to procure a speedy and favorable peace, the only rational object of war. Peace is most unquestionably the polar star of the policy and the interest of the United States--it should be obtained at every cost short of an essential sacrifice—it is no disgrace for an infant to contend with a giant-if we cannot carry on the war with all the energy and the force and the power of the nation-let us record our wrongs -make the best of the existing state of things--and when we have the ability, punish our aggressors to the last letter of the alphabet. Possibly this is the real policy of the United States--but if we are to go to war, give us a navy----if you do not, and our commerce is abandoned-----our navigation to be swept from the face of the ocean --our houses battered about our ears, and we are denied those means of defence which the God of Nature has given us, and to which we are habituated----then indeed the Northern section of this Union will be little better situated than the colony of Jamacia, and, forms apart, there will be some cause to suspect that it has little more real voice or weight in the councils of the government than it has in the Parliament of Great Britain. Give no cause, sir, for suspicions of this sort----take off your restrictions------unmuzzle us----let us have Peace or War. If we have war, let it commence with one cheering prospect, the prospect of unanimity. Give us this little fleet, and in 12 short months after it has been fairly launched upon the main, we will engage to render to you a good account of it----we will be enabled proudly to show you, that "Our march too shall be upon the mountain wave, MR CRAWFORD'S SPEECH Mr. CRAWFORD regretted that his ill health and want of strength would not permit him thoroughly to investigate all of the important fubjects which have been incidentally introduced in the course of this difcuffion. The propofition to build 20 frig. ates has no intimate connexion with feveral of thofe fubje&s, which might with great propriety have been kept entirely out of view; but as they have been introduced he would not decline their difcuffion. Such had been the state of his health, from the time that this propofition had been fubmitted to the confidera. tion of the Senate, that he had not until this morning determined to participate in the difcuffion. The obfervations of the honora. ble gentleman from Kentucky had made it unneceffary to reply to many of the statements and remarks of the honorable gentle. men from Maffachusetts and Virginia (Mr. Lloyd and Mr. Giles.) The latter gentleman complains of the change which he fays has taken place, in the character of the difcuffions of this Houfe, which is highly detrimental to the freedom of debate. He complains that the motives inftead of the arguments of the Speaker have become the fubject of investigation. If this complaint is founded in fact, it is greatly to be lamented; but it may be proper to inquire whether it is not the neceffary refult of another change in the character of our difcuffions introduced by thofe who make the complaint. If, inftead of presenting for the confideration of the Senate a train of reafoning calculated to elucicate the propofition under confideration, the Speaker fhould fubftitute the hiftory of his political life, opinions and motives, The ought not to complain, if his proffered fubftitute should be accepted and difcuffed by his opponents. The fame gentleman has taken a review of past measures, which are very remotely, if in any degree, connected with the propofition before the Senate. Such a review as will enable us to avoid the errors into which we may have fallen, from precipitancy or from the want of fufficient information of the fubjects upon which we have been compelled to legiflate, may be highly ufeful. But if this review fhould be conducted fimply with the defign of proving that the reviewer has always been right and those opposed to him always wrong, it is impoffible to difcover any benefit which can refult from it. It may indeed be highly gratifying to the Speaker, but it cannot excite any pleasurable fnfation in the bofoms of thofe who are charged with being uni. formly wrong. A procedure of this kind is calculated to irritate and to produce the effect of which that honorable gentleman has fo ferioully complained. It is natural for every man to believe that his opinions are right, and that those who differ with him are wrong. The difference between the gentleman from Virginia and other men confifts not in thought but in words. Every man believes that he is right, but every man does not, upon all occasions, undertake to prove that he has always been right. [Continued in No. 34.] |