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excelled by that of none in the land, and at the same time, we are glad that it is a part of the great University of Texas.

We have, with you all, felt the inconveniences arising from unfriendly legislation; we have shared the munificence of our generous regent; and believing that the future will bring forth still greater things, let us work together to that end. The Medical Department, I assure you, stands ready to join in any movement for the benefit of the University as a whole.

And now, I desire to express the pleasure that it has given us to be here. If you can remember a more agreeable time than we have enjoyed together today, "your lines have fallen in pleasanter places than mine." I can see from the expression of your faces that your experience agrees with mine.

In behalf of the Medical Department I desire to thank Mr. Baker and his associates, and you all, for the cordial welcome that you have given us.

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[Address of Professor R. L. Batts at the Memorial Service, held in the Assembly Hall, November 25, 1899.]

In the days of his usefulness the second highest officer in the land, at the beckoning of God, lays down the great trust confided to him by his fellow men. A people mourn; not as when a great popular idol gives up his life; not as when passes away one who, making use of the day or the hour, acquires fame upon the bloody field, or snatches glory from the bosom of the ocean; but with deep and abiding regret that the span of life of a useful and honored citizen was not made longer.

His life will not be writ in the short and simple annals of the poor, nor will history class him among its epoch makers. But nevertheless, the people who honored him living, will do deserved honor to his bones. They will need to speak of him naught but the truth. He did not live as a Pharisee, and dead he would have no virtues ascribed to him that were not his own. He was not without faults, but the charity of the grave need not be invoked in behalf of his memory.

A little more than three years ago his character was subjected to the ordeal of election to office. He was one of the standard bearers of a great party. In opposition was nearly one-half of all the people. No point of attack was left untried. The searching investigation disclosed no vulnerable point in his life. An honest and manly career stayed even the hand of calumny. Since the close of that campaign he has been constantly before the public eye. He has gained greatly in popular favor. Assuming the duties of the high position to which we was elected comparatively unknown, he has displayed those qualities which command confidence and secure affection. Overcoming the prejudice which naturally meets one who comes to preside over a self-satisfied body of which he is not a member, he has by his strength, by his honesty, by his correct and impartial rulings, by his kindly and genial disposition, bound to him the hearts of the men of all parties.

Even as his latter days so were the days of all his life; as these have brought the rewards of labors well done, so, too, did the days of his youth and of his prime.

His life was a well ordered one. Not able to boast of either the wealth or the poverty of his parents, not handicapped with that which they had, or that which they had not, he was able to secure the invaluable mental training which comes from a college career. With this equipment the successful struggle was begun.

The life that he led has been that of a typical American. The spirit of America was his. As we love our country so we revere the qualities that were his. Whatever in us as a people is good, that also was in him. What in us is evil, he would not have been ashamed to claim for himself.

For a life’s work he chose the bar. Recognizing the obligations, the responsibilities and the privileges of the profession, without attaining the preëminence which comes to a Marshall, or a Webster, or a Choate, his excellent abilities indomitably applied brought substantial reward, and his labors contributed to the maintenance of the enviable reputaton of the bar for patriotic devotion to the principles of civil liberty.

With the natural American aptitude for business, but without the advantage of inherited wealth, he rose to eminence among successful managers of great enterprises. He added to his country's greatness by his thrift. He repelled the slander that millions may not be made

by legitimate methods. And this great success in the acquisition of wealth came to him without paying the price of a shrivelled heart and a depraved conscience.

If he was a politician he was not merely a politician. He did not use public place to build up a private fortune. He made politics neither a means nor an end. He did not permit the subtle fumes of political ambition to steal away the brain, or shrivel up the soul. He did not turn to politics to gain wealth, respect, honor. These he had. But recognizing the obligations and the privileges of citizenship he did not shirk the duties of public life, and did not despise that preferment which comes from popular appreciation.

Not alone as an officer did he serve his country. As a private citizen he was not remiss. He did not affect that superior virtue which may not be in the vicinity of vice. He was not content merely to criticise. He recognized the obligation to do. He did not believe that politics could be made pure by leaving the conduct of public office to the vicious. He thought that the government was for all the people, not merely for the few, those whom wealth has greatly favored, nor for those to whom property has given special privileges; not merely for those who are willing to pay and those who are willing to receive the price of sin; and being for all the people, that it should be by all the people. He knew that there are privileges which are duties, and believed that one who neglected to vote was as remiss in duty as one who evaded the payment of taxes.

He was a party man. As a patriotic and practical man he affiliated with a party as furnishing the most feasible method by which public interests could be substantially subserved. He knew that the work of the parties has not been completed and will not be; that they are the indispensable handmaids of civil liberty under a representative democracy

There is another feature in this man's life which is good. Не held himself bound by family ties. Here, too, one may be patriotic. There can be no great country—no country greatly to be loved except a land of homes. Rapid will be the decline when the family tie shall have been loosed. Burdened with the innumerable cares of an exacting business career, he found the time to build up a happy home. The good wife of his rising years and of the years of his great success is heartbroken, not because of a life misspent, but because death has stilled his kindly voice and his loving touch is but a memory.

He garnered the fruits of a well spent life. The material things of the world were his. He secured them without selling his soul, and they were rightly his. He served his country and she gave him almost her greatest honor. No man grudges him that which she gave. The end of his life has come. He met death as one for whom it had no sting. He looked into the grave with courage. Of what is beyond no traveler has returned to tell us. But it is not hard to believe that one who has been among the faithful will be among the blessed.

Of such as this American who is dead, a great nation has been born. Such as these are here to bear further burdens. They bring strength and courage and confidence. Nothing may stay them. They refuse to set bounds to their country's greatness. These are the patriots. When one of these dies it is meet that there should be sorrow.


[Address of Professor E. D. Shurter at the Hobart Memorial Service, held in the Assembly Hall, November 25, 1899.]

It is indeed fitting that the members of this University, the State University of the largest State in the Union, should unite at this midday hour in paying tribute to the memory of the nation's dead; to renew and to repledge to the nation, of which Mr. Hobart was a distinguished and faithful servant, our loyalty, our love, our patriotism.

For patriotism, as it seems to me, is the supreme lesson of this hour. I have used the words loyalty, love and patriotism as synonymous. And so they are. Patriotism is love of country. Loyalty is also love of country, and more; it is combined fidelity to and love for all the relations of our social and political compact-faithful devotion to the institutions of our birth and adoption.

It is a good thing to love our kinsmen and our home; it is a good thing to love our University; it is a good thing to love our State; and it is a good thing to love our country—of which the State, the home, nay, the University, are vital and integral parts.

Professor Batts has told you of the character and services of VicePresident Hobart, and of the lesson which this commemoration service teaches. In the short time allotted me today, I would bring the lesson of patriotism, which this occasion suggests, home to you, to our University life and relations; for patriotism, like charity, begins at home. Besides, we are a Republic of Letters—a perfect democracy within ourselves; and it follows that the lessons in patriotism here learned should and must guide us in our larger relation to the State and to the nation.

The supreme purpose of the University, be it said, is to provide living beings for the service of society, good citizens for the State. As loyalty to country is a mark of good citizenship, so the members of this University should be thoroughly loyalized. University loyalty is a sentiment, a thing of the spirit. It will not be learned from books, but like many other things that the live student learns in his University course, and which are quite as much a part of his education as anything gotten from books, University loyalty will be learned from a true conception, on the part of the student, of his relations to his University, and (since loyalty implies service) by an active participation in all proper forms of student interests and activities.

Now, without attempting to follow out the analogy between University and national loyalty, or to define all the elements and suggest the various forms of University loyalty, let me remind you that this University, through the bounty of the State of Texas, is giving each student here, considered merely as a matter of dollars and cents, in addition to equipment already provided, some $200, as I roughly calculate, toward his education this year. At other Universities a tuition fee of $100, $150, or $200 is charged. Here tuition is practically free.

Will the student in return give nothing to the University? What he can give—and all that the University asks—is his loyal support and coöperation creating and fostering a commendable and lifegiving University spirit. The real University, indeed, is not material, but spiritual. You may cover this campus with buildings and with the best modern equipment, you may have a most able Board of Regents, a model president, a world-renowned faculty;

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