THE SOURCES OF GRILLPARZER'S 'WEH' DEM, DER LÜGT.' GRILLPARZER might have found the story of Leo and Attalus in four places, viz., Gregorii Turonensis episcopi Historiae Francorum libri decem (Book III, ch. xv); Aimoini2 monachi Floriacensis Historiae Francorum libri quatuor (Book II, ch. xi); Deutsche Sagen, herausg. von den Brüdern Grimm, Berlin, 1816-18 (No. 427; later editions, No. 432); Augustin Thierry, Lettres sur l'Histoire de France (first published in the Courrier français, 1820, No. 8). Of these the last three are merely versions of the first, which Grillparzer undoubtedly used, as is clear from a note made by him in 1823. He selected four incidents from it for possible dramatic treatment: 1823. Gregor von Tours. Sigismund, König der Burgunder.... III, 5.-Die Geschichte des Küchenjungen Leon, der sich in dem Haus als Sklave verkaufen lässt, wo Atalus, der Neffe seines Herrn, des Bischofs von Langers, als Geissel zurück behalten wurde und die Pferde hüten musste. Wie er sich durch seine Kochkunst die Gnade ihres gemeinschaftlichen Herrn erwirbt und endlich mit Atalus entflieht und ihn glücklich wieder in die Arme seines Oheims zurückbringt. III, 5.-Childebert und Chlotar.... -König Theodebert.... III, 26, 27.' It is noteworthy that all these incidents are contained in Book III. Another point that suggests that Grillparzer took his subject directly from Gregory of Tours is the location of the opening scenes of Weh' dem, der lügt at Dijon, for in the nineteenth chapter of the third book, i.e., a few pages beyond the story of Leo and Attalus, we are told that Gregory, Bishop of Langres, preferred to reside in Dijon, and a description of the town follows3. 1 Georgius Florentius Gregorius (538-594), great-grandson of Gregory, bishop of Langres (d. 539); bishop of Tours from 573. His Historia Francorum deals mainly (Books Iv-x) with events that happened in his own life-time. 2 Aimoin (c. 960-c. 1010), a monk of Fleury, whose Historia Francorum begins with the earliest times and stops at the year 653. 3 Erat enim tunc et beatus Gregorius apud urbem Lingonicam, magnus dei sacerdos, signis et virtutibus clarus. Sed quia hujus pontificis meminimus, gratum arbitratus sum, ut situm Divionensis, in quo maxime erat assiduus, huic inseram lectioni. Est autem castrum firmissimis muris, in media planitie et satis jucunda, compositum; terras valde fertiles habens atque fecundas, ita ut, arvis semel scissis vomere, semina jaciantur, et magna fructuum opulentia subsequatur....' Whether Grillparzer used the Latin text of Gregory's History or a translation it is difficult at the present moment, when Grillparzer's papers are inaccessible, to decide. Goedeke (Grundriss, VIII, p. 436) remarks: 'In Grillparzers Bibliothek befindet sich L'histoire française de S. Gregoire de Tours.... Paris, 1610.' This is suggestive but not decisive, in the absence of evidence as to when the book came into Grillparzer's possession. It must be remembered that Grillparzer read voluminously while employed in the Hofbibliothek in 1813, and his first acquaintance with Gregory may possibly date from that time. At least one edition of the Latin text merits attention in spite of Goedeke's note, viz., Bouquet's Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et de la France (Vol. 11, Paris, 1739). Bouquet's Preface contains a paragraph entitled Des Mours des Francs, in which the habit of lying is discussed: 'Je remarquerai seulement que Procope ne leur rend pas justice, lorsqu'il les accuse d'être barbares et cruels, quoique Chretiens, et d'immoler des victimes humaines: il attribue mal-à-propos à la nation des Francs en general ce qui ne convenoit qu'aux Alemans qui étoient sujets du Roi Theodebert, et qui servoient dans son armée. Pour ce qui est du reproche qu'il leur fait d'être infideles et de violer leurs sermens, il leur avoit été fait long-tems auparavant par Vopisque, qui les accuse d'être si accoutumés à violer leur foi, qu'ils sembloient en faire un jeu. Salvien dit qu'ils regardoient le parjure comme une maniere de parler, non pas un crime; qu'ils étoient menteurs, mais civils aux étrangers....' This more favourable account of the Franks is in distinct harmony with Grillparzer's attitude towards them in the play, but it is not to be found in Gregory's story. The view of lying attributed to them above is fairly well borne out by Leon's behaviour in Act I, e.g.1 : So 'n Herr, so brav, dass selbst die kleinste Lüge, Ein Nothbehelf, ihn aufbringt.... (257 f.) Hab' ich gelogen, war's zu gutem Zweck. (248) Wär ich nur dort, ich lög' ihn schon heraus. (326) Wenn nicht ein Bisschen Trug uns helfen soll, Another paragraph in Bouquet's Preface is headed Les Francs n'étoient point barbares, and Grillparzer, differing from Gregory, as will be seen, makes the clearest distinction between Frank' on the one hand and 'barbarian' on the other, whereas in the sources the barbarians are Franks, the civilized people Gallo-Romans. Thierry lays particular emphasis on this, whereas Grillparzer is at great pains to bring out the 1 The quotations are from my own edition of the text, as yet unpublished. culture of the Franks and invents an unnamed barbarian race as a contrast. In the same place Bouquet gives an account of the Frankish general, Arbogast, whose name is used as a pass-word in Weh' dem, der lügt. It occurs, however, in Grimm's Deutsche Sagen (1816-18, No. 432), a few pages beyond the story of Leo and Attalus. It seems natural to suppose that, once Grillparzer's interest in the subject had been roused, he would seek additional information from such sources as were accessible to him. To what extent he is indebted to Aimoinus, Grimm, and Thierry remains to be seen. It appears then that Grillparzer noted the subject of Weh' dem, der lügt for dramatic treatment at least as early as 1823, and we find it mentioned in a list of titles of plays prepared between 1824 and 1828. This is presumably the list mentioned by him in the Selbstbiographie', and it is printed by Sauer in Vol. XII, p. 211. It consists of thirty-three titles and begins: Libussa. Die ersten Habsburger (Kaiser Albrechts Tod). Weh' dem, der lügt! (Küchenjunge Leon). Zwei gute Hornbläser in Böhmen (Der blinde Jaromir). Krösus. Die Weissen und die Schwarzen. Hero und Leander....' · The actual use made by Grillparzer of the incidents recorded by Gregory of Tours in his Historia Francorum will appear from the following summary. The story begins in Book III, ch. xv. Theudericus and Childebertus3 made peace and each took an oath that he would not attack the other. They exchanged hostages, many of whom were the sons of senators. They quarrelled again and the hostages on both sides were made slaves in the public service. These details are vaguely utilized in Weh' dem, der lügt to provide the historical background, e.g.: Es gibt wohl and're Wege noch und bess're, In diesem Haus, dacht' ich, wär' Gottesfrieden, Sein Atalus, nach Trier ward gesandt, Als Geissel für den Frieden, den man schloss; Gar hart gehalten wird vom grimmen Feind.... (103–6) 1 Werke (ed. Sauer, 1892), xIx, p. 141: 'Ich hatte mir eine ziemliche Anzahl Stoffe aufgezeichnet, die alle durchdacht und alle, bis auf die Einzelnheiten, obgleich nur im Kopfe, dramatisch gegliedert waren. Diese wollte ich nun einen nach dem andern vornehmen, jedes Jahr ein Stück schreiben und dem hypochondrischen Grübeln für immer den Abschied geben.' 2 Theodoric or Thierry I, eldest son of Clovis and king of Metz (d. 534). 3 Childebert I, third son of Clovis and king of Paris (d. 558). 4 533 A.D. Als man-es ist jetzt über's Jahr--den Frieden, Jenseits des Rheins; da gab und nahm man Geissel, Sich wechselseits misstrauend, und mit Recht.... (278-81) Kaum war er dort, so brach der Krieg von Neuem, Durch Treubruch aufgestachelt, wieder los, Und beide Theile rächen an den Geisseln, Den schuldlos Armen, ihrer Gegner Schuld.... (290-3) Those in whose charge the hostages were placed made personal slaves of them. So liegt mein Atalus nun hart gefangen, Muss Sklavendienst verrichten seinem Herrn. (294 f.) Many escaped and returned to their own country. (Not used in the play.) Several were detained, including Attalus, nephew (grandson ?) of Gregory, Bishop of Langres. Attalus was made a slave (in the public service) and his duties were to look after horses. His immediate master was a certain barbarian to the south of the territory of Trier. These three facts appear in the play. See the quotations above, and also: Leon. Bist Du schon wieder müssig, wie Du pflegst? Dort geh'n die Pferde weiden.... (740 f.) Die Pferde hüth' ich endlich, weil ich muss.... (812) Kaum war er angelangt bei seinen Hütern Im Rheingau, über Trier weit hinaus.... (286 f.) Gregory sent servants to search for Attalus. Und hat man nichts versucht, ihn zu befrei'n? Hausverwalter. Gar mancherlei, doch Alles ist umsonst. (109 f.) They found him and offered his master a ransom, which was rejected, the barbarian insisting on ten pounds of gold in exchange for a young man of such a good family. Grillparzer alters the amount from ten pounds to one hundred: Ich hab' um Lösung mich verwendet. An guter Münze fränkischen Gepräges.... (296-8) When the messengers returned, Leo, a kitchen-servant, asked permission to make an attempt to set Attalus free. Gregory gladly gave his consent. Leo's interview with Gregory is the substance of Grillparzer's Act I. Leo went straight to the place and tried to rescue Attalus secretly but failed. (Not used in the play.) He then arranged with a stranger that the latter should sell him to the barbarian as a slave, the reward 1 Infra Treverici termini territorium.... Thierry translates qui habitait le voisinage de Trèves; Grimm im Trierischen Gebiet.' being the price paid for Leo. The bargain was made and Leo was sold for twelve pieces of gold. Grillparzer expands this incident into two scenes (end of Act 1; beginning of Act II). The price is altered to thirty 'pounds.' Being asked what he could do, Leo replied that he was a first-class cook, unrivalled in his profession, and able to prepare a banquet fit for a king. Er ist ein Koch, berühmt in seinem Fach.' (479.) The barbarian then said that he intended to invite his neighbours and relations to a banquet on the following Sunday and ordered him to prepare a feast such as could not be surpassed even in the king's palace. In Weh' dem, der lügt this banquet is combined with a second (see below), and appears as the feast arranged for Edrita's wedding-providing the opportunity for the escape: und g'rade jetzt, An meiner Tochter Hochzeittag; da zeige, Was Du vermagst. An Leuten soll's nicht fehlen, Leo demanded a plentiful supply of fowls. There is a faint allusion to this in the following lines: Blut auch bei mir, von Hühnern, Tauben, Enten.... (840) So thun wir ihm, wie Er den Hühnern thut, Und schlachten ihn 'mal ab.... (869 f.) The feast was a great success, and the guests departed, full of praise; at the end of a year Leo had completely won the confidence of his master. One day Attalus and Leo went out together into a field near the house, and lying down some distance apart, they began to converse, turning their backs on each other to avoid suspicion. This incident is reproduced in Act II. Leo said: 'It is now time to think of home. To-night, when you bring up the horses, do not fall asleep, but come when I call you, and let us go.' Noch einmal, Atalus, bleibt still und hört. Eu'r Oheim sendet mich, Euch zu erretten. (774 f.) The barbarian had invited many of his relations to a feast that night. (Grillparzer reduces the two banquets to one.) Among the guests was the husband of his daughter. Gregory, in the History, simply mentions the daughter and adds a little about the son-in-law, but the characters of Edrita and Galomir, her prospective husband, are entirely new to the story. At midnight, when the guests retired, Leo followed the son-in-law into his room with a draught of liquor. The man said to Leo in jest, |