in former times. When Rome fell, she fell by the weight of her own vices. The inhabitants were so corrupted and degraded, as to be unworthy of a continuance of prosperity, and incapable to enjoy the blessings of liberty; their minds were bent to the state in which a reverse of fortune placed them. But when Great Britain falls, she will fall with a people full of private worth and virtue; she will be ruined by the profligacy of the governors, and the security of her inhabitants-the consequence of those pernicious doctrines which have taught her to place a false confidence in her strength and freedom, and not to look with distrust and apprehension to the misconduct and corruption of those to whom she has trusted the management of her resources."

ON THE REBELLION IN IRELAND.

"What! when conciliation was held out to the people of Ireland, was there any discontent? When the Government of Ireland was agreeable to the people, was there any discontent? After the prospect of that conciliation was taken away-after Lord Fitzwilliam was recalled-after the hopes which had been raised were blasted-when the spirit of the people was beaten down, insulted, despised, I will ask any gentleman to point out a single act of conciliation which has emanated from the Government of Ireland? On the contrary, has not that country exhibited one continual scene of the most grievous oppression, of the most vexatious proceedings; arbitrary punishments inflicted; torture declared necessary by the highest authority in the sister-kingdom next to that of the legislature? And do gentlemen say that the indignant spirit which is roused by such exercise of government is unprovoked? Is this conciliation? is this lenity? Has everything been done to avert the evils of rebellion? It is the fashion to say, and the Address holds the same language, that the rebellion which now rages in the sister-king

dom has been owing to the machinations of 'wicked men.' Agreeing to the amendment proposed, it was my first intention to move that these words should be omitted. But, sir, the fact they assert is true. It is, indeed, to the measures of wicked men that the deplorable state of Ireland is to be imputed. It is to those wicked ministers who have broken the promises they held out; who betrayed the party they seduced into their views, to be the instruments of the foulest treachery that ever was practised against any people. It is to those wicked ministers who have given up that devoted country to plunder-resigned it a prey to this faction, by which it has so long been trampled upon, and abandoned it to every species of insult and oppression by which a country was ever overwhelmed, or the spirit of a people insulted, that we owe the miseries into which Ireland is plunged, and the dangers by which England is threatened. These evils are the doings of wicked ministers, and applied to them, the language of the Address records a fatal and melancholy truth."

ON THE PROBABILITY OF A FRENCH INVASION.

"If the French are determined to invade us, they will, no doubt, come furnished with flaming manifestoes. The Directory will probably instruct their generals to make the fairest professions of the manner in which their army will act; but of these professions surely no one can be believed. Some, however, may deceive themselves by supposing that the great Buonaparte will have concerted with the Directory that he is not to tarnish his laurels, or sully his glory, by permitting his soldiers to plunder our banks, to ruin our commerce, to enslave our people; but that he is to come, like a minister of grace, with no other purpose than to give peace to the cottager, to restore citizens to their rights, to establish real freedom, and a liberal and humane government. This undoubtedly were noble; this were generous; this, I had almost said, were god-like. But can there be supposed an Englishman so stupid, so besotted, so be fooled, as to give a moment's credit to such ridiculous professions? Not that I deny but that a great republic may be actuated by these generous prin

ciples, and by a thirst of glory ior glory's sake. Such, I might be induced to believe, was the spirit which inspired the Romans in the early and virtuous periods of their republic. They fought and conquered for the meed of warlike renown. Still sooner would I believe that the Spartan heroes fought for fame only, and not for the plunder of wealth and luxury, which they were more ready to exIclude from than to introduce into the bosom of their republic. But far otherwise are we to interpret the objects that whet the valor and stimulate the prowess of modern republicans. Do we not see they have planted the tree of liberty in the garden of monarchy, where it still continues to produce the same rare and luxurious fruit? Do we not see the French republicans as eager as ever were the courtly friends of the monarchy to collect from among the vanquished countries, and to accumulate all the elegances, all the monuments of the arts and sciences; determined to make their capital the luxurious mart and school for a subject and admiring world? It is not glory they seek, for they are already gorged with it; it is not territory they grasp at, they are already encumbered with the extent they have acquired. What, then, is their object? They come for what they really want; they come for ships, for commerce, for credit, and for capital. Yes, they come for the sinews, the bones, for the marrow, and for