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the very heart's blood of Great Britain. But now,” said Mr. Sheridan, "let us examine what we are to purchase at this price. It is natural for a merchant to look closely to the quality of the article which he is about to buy at a high rate. Liberty, it appears, is now their staple commodity; but should we not carefully attend, whether what they export be not of the same kind with what they keep for their home consumption ? Attend, I say, and examine how little of real liberty they themselves enjoy, who are so forward and prodigal in bestowing it on others. On this subject I do not touch as a matter of reproach. The unjust measures they have pursued they may have pursued from necessity. If the majority of the French people are desirous and determined to continue a republican form of government, the Directory must do what they can to secure the republic. This conduct, both prudence, policy, and a view to their own security, may dictate and enforce. But were they to perform the fair promises which they would fain hold out to us, they would then establish more liberty here than they themselves enjoy in France. Were ey to leave us the trial by jury uninterrupted, and thus grant us a constitution more enviable than their own, would not this be rearing a fabric here which would stand as a glaring contrast, and prove a lasting reproach to their own country?”

Towards the conclusion of this most eloquent and patriotic speech, which united the warmth of Demosthenes with the nerve of Cicero, the orator touched upon the best means of opposing a successful resistance to an enemy of this temper and disposition. "I will not,” said he, “here require of ministers to lay aside their political prejudices or animosities; neither will I require of those who oppose them altogether to suspend theirs; but both must feel that this sacrifice is necessary, at least, on one point, resistance to the enemy, and upon this subject I must entreat them to accord; for here it is necessary that they should both act with one heart and one hand. If there be any who say we will oppose the French when we have succeeded in removing the present ministers, to them I would say :‘Sirs, let us defer that for a moment; let us now oppose the enemy and avert the storm, otherwise we shall not long have even ministers to combat and remove.' If there be any who say that ministers have brought our present calamities on us, and that they ought, therefore, to be first removed, I will grant them that there is justice and logic in the argument; but its policy I am at a loss to discover. There are those who think the present ministers incapable, and that they should on that account be displaced. Granted: but if they cannot succeed in removing them, and if they be sincere in their opinion of the incapacity of ministers, how can they approve themselves sincere in their wish to resist the enemy, unless they contribute to aid and rectify the incapacity of which they complain? There are, however, some gentlemen who seem to divide their enmity and opposition between ministers and the French; but do they not see that the inevitable consequence of this division must be the conquest of the country? Why then do they thus hesitate about which side of the question they ought to take? Can there be anything more childish than to say, I will wait until the enemy has landed, and then I will resist them; as if preparation was no essential part of effectual resistance? What childish and ridiculous than to say, I will take a pistol and fire at them; but I will not go the length of a musket; no: I will attack them with my left, but I will not exert my right hand against them? All must unite, all must go every length against them, or there can be no hopes; and already I rejoice to see the necessary spirit begin to rise throughout the country and the metropolis; and when on this side of the House we manifest this spirit, and forget all other motives to action, I trust the same sentiments will prevail on the other; and that the offers we make sincerely will be accepted unreluctantly. But now I must observe, that the defence of the country miglit Le essentially aided by two very different classes of men; the one composed of those sturdy, hulking fellows whom we daily see behind coaches, or following through the streets and squares their masters and mistresses, who, in the meantime, perhaps, are ruminating on the evils of an invasion; to such I would entrust the defence of the capital, and would add to them the able-bodied men which the different offices might easily produce. There is another class I would also beg leave to mention; and those are young gentlemen of high rank, who are daily mounted on horses of high blood. They surely, at this perilous moment, might be better employed; though it would ill become me to erect myself into a rigid censor of amusement and dissipation. That line of argument would not exactly suit my own line of conduct; nor am I an enemy to their amusements; on the contrary: but their mornings might now be more usefully devoted in preparing for the great task which they will have to perform; for sure I am, they possess a spirit that will not permit them to skulk and hide their heads from the storm; they will scorn to be seen a miserable train of emigrants wandering and despised in a foreign land."

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RIDICULE OF PITT AND ADDINGTON.

(In 1801 Pitt was succeeded as prime minister by Addington, although it has been claimed that the latter was completely under the domination of the former. In a speech, during the discussion of the Definitive Treaty, Sheridan in a highly lumorous manner, ridicuies the understanding between the ex-minister and his successor.)

“I should like to support the present minister on fair ground; but what is he? a sort of outside passenger,—or rather a man leading the horses round a corner, while reins, whip, and all, are in the hands of the coachman on the box! (looking at Mr. Pitt's elevated seat, three or four benches above that of the Treasury.) Why not have an union of the two ministers, or, at least, some intelligible connection ? When the ex-minister quitted office, almost all the subordinate ministers kept their places. How was it that the whole family did not move together? Had he only one covered wagon to carry friends and goods? or has h left directions behind him that they may

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