to expect more favour from it or himself alone *. Late a country is a defect in a ants. We have already spoken priests. It is strange that estaant to the duties of a man and a tage and fafety of fociety, fhould that princes, inftead of oppofing to do, fhould have protected and enolicy, that dextroufly took advantage own power, led princes and fubjects take their real duties, and blinded t to their own intereft. Experience opened the eyes of nations and their if (let us mention it to the honour reurs gradually to reform fo palpable none in his dominions are any longer vow of celibacy before they are twenty... wife pontiff gives the fovereigns of his example; he invites them to attend at their ftates, to narrow at least, if they

the avenues of that fink that drains e a view of Germany; and there, in all other refpects upon an equal footing, tant itates twice as populous as the care the defert ftate of Spain with that of nhabitants:-furvey many fine provinces, ute of hands to till the foil;-and er the many thousands of both fexes, who ...n convents, would not ferve God and their Secter, by peopling thofe fertile plains with

le is true, indeed, that the catholic cantons e nevertheless very populous: but this is peace, and the nature of the government, repair the loffes occafioned by convents. emedy the greatest evils; it is the foul of a a great juftice called by the Romans alma

Sundifciplined multitude are incapable of ree

emy: the strength of the ftate confifts lefs the military virtues of its citizens. Valour, which makes us undauntedly encounter danger

is the emotions of indignation that arife on reading of the church have written against marriage and in tar effe matrimonii et stupri differentia fays Tertulapunicatio†. Ergo, inquis, et primas nuptias damnas? et spæ condant ex eo quod eft ftuprum. EXHORT, Case Hanc tantum effe differentiam inter uxorem et fcornie proftitutam quam pluribus,"

+ Contaminatio? EDIT.

in defence of our country, is the firmeft fupport of the ftate: it renders it formidable to its enemies, and often even faves it the trouble of defending itfelf. A ftate whofe reputation in this refpect is once well establifhed, will be feldom attacked, if it does not provoke other ftates by its enterprises. For above two centuries the Swifs have enjoyed a profound peace, while the din of arms refounded all around them, and the reft of Europe was defolated by the ravages of war. Nature gives the foundation of valour; but various caufes may animate it, weaken it, and even destroy it. A nation ought then to feek after and cultivate a virtue fo ufeful; and a prudent fovereign will take all poffible meafures to infpire his fubjects with it:-his wifdom will point out to him the means. It is this generous flame that animates the French nobility: fired with a love of glory and of their country, they fly to battle, and cheerfully fpill their blood in the field of honour. To what an extent would they not carry their conquefts, if that kingdom were furrounded by nations lefs warlike! The Briton, generous and intrepid, refembles a lion in combat; and in general, the nations of Europe furpaís in bravery all the other people upon earth.

Other mili

But valour alone is not always fuccefsful in war: conftant 6 181. fuccefs can only be obtained by an affemblage of all the military tary vir virtues. Hiftory fhews us the importance of ability in the com- tues. manders, of military difcipline, frugality, bodily ftrength, dexterity, and being inured to fatigue and labour. These are fo many diftinct branches which a nation ought carefully to culti vate. It was the affemblage of all these that raised fo high the glory of the Romans, and rendered them the mafters of the world. It were a mistake to fuppofe that valour alone produced those illustrious exploits of the ancient Swifs, the victories of Morgarten, Sempach, Laupen, Morat, and many others. The Swifs not only fought with intrepidity: they studied the art of war,—they inured themselves to its toils, they accuftomed themselves to the practice of all its manoeuvres,-and their very love of liberty made them fubmit to a difcipline which could alone fecure to them that treafure, and fave their country. Their troops were no lefs celebrated for their difcipline than their bravery. Mezeray, after having given an account of the behaviour of the Swifs at the battle of Dreux, adds thefe remarkable words: "in the opinion of all the officers of both "fides who were prefent, the Swifs, in that battle, under every "trial, against infantry and cavalry, against French and against "Germans, gained the palm for military difcipline, and acquired "the reputation of being the beft infantry in the world *.

Riches.

Finally, the wealth of a nation conftitutes a confiderable part §182. of its power, efpecially in modern times, when war requires fuch immenfe expenfes. It is not fimply in the revenues of the fovereign, or the public treasure, that the riches of a nation

*Hiflory of France, Vol. II. p. 888,

confift:

confift: its opulence is alfo rated from the wealth of individuals. We commonly call a nation rich, when it contains a great number of citizens in eafy and affluent circumstances. The wealth of private perfons really increases the ftrength of the nation; fince they are capable of contributing large fums towards fupplying the neceflities of the ftate, and that, in a cafe of extremity, the fovereign may even employ all the riches of his fubjects in the defence, and for the fafety of the state, in virtue of the fupreme command with which he is invested, as we shall hereafter fhew. The nation then ought to endeavour to acquire thofe public and private riches, that are of fuch use to it: and this is a new reafon for encouraging a commerce with other nations, which is the fource from whence they flow, and a new motive for the fovereign to keep a watchful eye over the different branches of foreign trade carried on by his fubjects, in order that he may preferve and protect the profitable branches, and cut off thofe that occafion the exportation of gold and filver. 6.183. It is requifite that the ftate fhould poffefs an income propor Publice, tionate to its neceflary expenditures. That income may be fupplied by various means,-by lands referved for that purpose, by contributions, taxes of different kinds, &c.-but of this fubject we fhall treat in another place.

venues, and

taxes.

§ 184. The nation

means.

We have here fummed up the principal ingredients that conftitute that strength which a nation ought to augment and imought not to increafe prove.-Can it be neceffary to add the obfervation, that this its power defirable object is not to be purfued by any other methods than by illegal fuch as are just and innocent? A laudable end is not sufficient to fanctify the means; for these ought to be in their own nature lawful. The law of nature cannot contradict itfelf: if it forbids an action as unjuft or dishoneft in its own nature, it can never permit it for any purpose whatever. And therefore in those cases where that object, in itself fo valuable and fo praiseworthy, cannot be attained without employing unlawful means, it ought to be confidered as unattainable, and confequently be relinquifhed. Thus we shall fhew, in treating of the juft caufes of war, that a nation is not allowed to attack another with a view to aggrandife itself by fubduing and giving law to the latter. This is just the fame as if a private perfon fhould attempt to enrich himself by feizing his neighbour's property.

$185.

Power is

but relative.

The power of a nation is relative, and ought to be measured by that of its neighbours, or of all the nations from whom it has any thing to fear. The ftate is fufficiently powerful, when it is capable of caufing itself to be refpected, and of repelling whoever would attack it. It may be placed in this happy fituation, either by keeping up its own ftrength equal or even fuperior to that of its neighbours,-or by preventing their rifing to a predominant and formidable power. But we cannot fhew here, in what cafes, and by what means, a ftate may justly fet bounds to the power of another: it is neceflary first to explain the duties

of

of a nation towards others, in order to combine them afterwards with its duties towards itself. For the prefent we shall only obferve that a nation, while it obeys the dictates of prudence and wife policy in this inftance, ought never to lose fight of the maxims of juftice.

CHAP. XV.

Of the Glory of a Nation.

tages of

glory.

THE glory of a nation is intimately connected with its power, $186. and indeed forms a confiderable part of it. It is this bril- Advan liant advantage that procures it the efteem of other nations, and renders it refpectable to its neighbours. A nation whose reputation is well eftablifhed, efpecially one whofe glory is illuftrious, -is courted by all fovereigns: they defire its friendship, and are afraid of offending it. Its friends, and those who with to become fo, favour its enterprises, and those who envy its profperity are afraid to fhew their ill-will.

nation.

It is then of great advantage to a nation to establish its re- § 187. putation and glory: hence this becomes one of the moft im- Duty of the portant of the duties it owes to itself. True glory confists in the favourable opinion of men of wisdom and difcernment: it is acquired by the virtues or good qualities of the head and the heart, How true and by great actions which are the fruits of thofe virtues. A glory is acnation may have a two-fold claim to it-firft, by what it does qured. in its national character, by the conduct of those who have the adminiftration of its affairs, and are invested with its authority and government, and, fecondly, by the merit of the individuals of whom the nation is compofed.

A prince, a fovereign of whatever kind, being bound to exert § 188. every effort for the good of the nation, is doubtlefs obliged to ex- Duty of the tend its glory, as far as lies in his power. We have feen that his prince. duty is to labour after the perfection of the ftate, and of the people who are fubject to him: by that means he will make them merit a good reputation and glory. He ought always to have this object in view in every thing he undertakes, and in the ufe he makes of his power. Let him, in all his actions, display juftice, moderation, and greatness of foul: and he will thus acquire for himself and his people a name respected by the universe, and not less useful than glorious. The glory of Henry IV. saved France: in the deplorable state in which he found affairs, his virtues gave animation to the loyal part of his fubjects, and encouraged foreign nations to lend him their affiftance, and to enter into an alliance with him against the ambitious Spaniards. In his circumstances, a weak prince of little eftimation would have been abandoned by all the world; people would have been afraid of being involved in his ruin.

Befides

ment.

other instance, to chufe fuch laws as may best suit her peculiar circumstances.

§ 171. We fhall only make one obfervation, which is connected with Degree of the fubject in hand, and relates to the degree of punishment. punishFrom the foundation even of the right of punishing, and from the lawful end of inflicting penalties, arifes the neceffity of keeping them within juft bounds. Since they are defigned to procure the fafety of the ftate and of the citizens, they ought never to be extended beyond what that fafety requires. To lay that any punishment is juft fince the tranfgreffor knew beforehand the penalty he was about to incur, is using a barbarous language, repugnant to humanity, and to the law of nature, which forbids our doing any ill to others, unless they lay us under the neceflity of inflicting it in our own defence and for our own fecurity. Whenever then a particular crime is not much to be feared in fociety, as when the opportunities of committing it are very rare, or when the fubjects are not inclined to it, too rigorous punishments ought not to be used to suppress it. Attention ought also to be paid to the nature of the crime; and the punishment fhould be proportioned to the degree of injury done to the public tranquillity and the fafety of society, and the wickedness it fuppofes in the criminal.

§ 172.

These maxims are not only dictated by justice and equity, but alfo as forcibly recommended by prudence and the art of government. Experience fhews us, that the imagination becomes familiarifed to objects which are frequently prefented to it. If, therefore, terrible punishments are multiplied, the people will become daily lefs affected by them, and at length contract, like the Japanese, a favage and ferocious character:-these bloody fpectacles will then no longer produce the effect defigned; for they will cease to terrify the wicked. It is with thefe examples as with honours:-a prince who multiplies titles and diftinctions to excefs, foon depreciates them, and makes an injudicious ufe of one of the most powerful and convenient fprings of government. When we recollect the practice of the ancient Romans with refpect to criminals,-when we reflect on their fcrupulous attention to fpare the blood of the citizens,—we cannot fail to be ftruck at feeing with how little ceremony it is now-a-days fhed in the generality of ftates. Was then the Roman republic but ill governed? Does better order and greater fecurity reign among us?-It is not fo much the cruelty of the punishments, as a strict punctuality in enforcing the penal code, that keeps mankind within the bounds of duty: and if fimple robbery is punished with death, what further punishment is referved to check the hand of the murderer?

The execution of the laws belongs to the conductor of the Execution ftate: he is intrusted with the care of it, and is indifpenfably of the laws. obliged to discharge it with wifdom. The prince then is to fee that the criminal laws be put in execution; but he is not to attempt in his own perfon to try the guilty. Befides the reafons

we