partment of military service, on the land and on the water, have essentially contributed to the Ame rican name, and to the restoration of peace. The feelings of conscious patriotism and worth will animate such men, under every change of fortune and pursuit; but their country performs a duty of itself, when it bestows those testimonials of approbation and ap plause which are at once the reward, and the incentive to great actions.

The reduction of the public expenditures to the demands of a peace establishment will doubtless engage the immediate attention of Congress. There are, however, important considerations which forbid a sudden and general revoeation of the measures that have been produced by the war.

Experience has taught us, that neither the pacific dispositions of the American people, nor the pacific character of their political institutions, can altogether exempt them from that strife which appears, beyond the ordinary lot of nations, to be incident to the actual period of the world; and the same faithful monitor demonstrates,that a certain degree of preparation for war is not only indispensable to avert disaster in the onset, but affords also the best security for the continuance of peace.

The wisdom of Congress will; therefore, I am confident, provide for the maintenance of an adequate regular force; for the gradual advance of the naval esta blishment; for improving all the means of harbour defence; for adding discipline to the distinguished bravery of the militia; and for cultivating the military

art in its essential branches, under the liberal patronage of Government.

The resources of our country were, at all times, competent to the attainment of every national object, but they will now be enriched and invigorated by the activity which peace will introduce to all the scenes of domestic enterprise and labour. - The provision that has been made for the public creditors, during the present Session of Congress, must have a decisive effect in the establishment of the public credit both at home and abroad. The reviving interests of commerce will claim the legislative attention at the earliest opportu nity; and such regulations will, I trust, be seasonably devised, as shall secure to the United States their just proportion of the navigation of the world. The most liberal policy towards other nations, if met by corresponding dispositions, will, in this respect, be found the most beneficial policy towards ourselves.

But there is

no object that can enter with greater force and merit into the deliberation of Congress, than a consideration of the means to preserve and promote the manufac tures which have sprung into existence, and attained an unparalleled maturity throughout the United States during the period of European wars. This source of national independence and wealth, I anxiously recommend to the prompt and constant guardianship of Congress.

The termination of the Legislative Sessions will soon separate you, fellow citizens, from each other, and restore you to your

constituents.Ipray you to bear with you the expressions of my sanguine hope, that the peace which has been just declared will not only be the foundation of the most friendly intercourse between the United States and Great Britain, but that it will also be productive of happiness and harmony in every section of our beloved country.

"The influence of your precepts and example must be every where powerful; and while we accord in grateful acknowledgments for the protection which Providence has bestowed upon us, let us never cease to inculcate obedience to the laws, and fidelity to the union, as constituting the palladium of the national independence and prosperity. Washington, Feb., 18, 1815.

JAMES MADISON.

of Montmirail, of Chateau Thierry, of Vauchamp, of Mormans, of Montereau, of Craone, of Rheims, of Arcy-sur-Aube, and of St. Dizier; the rising of the brave peasants of Lorraine, of Champagne, of Alsace, of Franche Comté, and of Bourgoin, and the position which I had taken on the rear of the enemy's army, by separating it from its magazines, from its parks of reserve, from its convoys and all its equipages, had placed it in a desperate situation. The French were never on the point of being more powerful, and the flower of the enemy's army, was lost without resource: it would have found its grave in those vast countries which it had mercilessly ravaged, when the treason of the Duke of Ragusa gave up the capital and disorganized the army. The unexpected conduct of those two Generals who betrayed at once their country, their Prince, and their benefactor, changed the destiny of the war. The disastrous situation of the enemy was such, that at the conclusion of the affair which took place before Paris, it was without ammunition, on account of its separation from its parks of reserve.

Under these new and important circumstances, my heart was rent, but my soul remained unshaken. I consulted only the interest of the country. I exiled myself on a rock in the middle of the sea. My life was, and ought to be, still useful to you. I did not permit the great number of citizens, who wished to accompany me, to partake my lot. I thought their presence useful to France; and I took with me only a handful of brave men, necessary for my guard.)

Raised to the throne by your choice, all that has been done without you is illegitimate. For twenty-five years France has had new interests, new institutions, and new glory, which could only be secured by a national Government, and by a Dynasty created under these new circumstances. A Prince who should reign over you, who should be seated on my throne by the power of those very armies which ravaged our territory, would in vain attempt to support himself with the principles of feudal law: he would not be able to recover the honour and the rights of more than a small number of individuals, enemies of the people who, for twenty-five years, have cendemned them in all our national assemblies. Your tranquillity at home, and your consequence abroad, would be lost for ever.

Frenchmen! In my exile I heard

has not had the right, and which may not withdraw itself from the disgrace of obeying a Prince imposed on it by an enemy momentarily victorious. When Charles VII. re-entered Paris, and overthrew the ephemeral throne of Henry V.; he acknowledged that he held his throne from the valour of his heroes, and not from a Prince Regent of England.

It is thus that to you alone, and to the brave men of the army, I account it, and shall always account it, my glory to owe every thing.

By the Emperor.

(Signed( NAPOLEON. The Grand Marshal performing the functions of Major-General of .the Grand Army.

(Signed) Count BERTRAND.

you demanded that government

of your choice which alone was legitimate. You accused my long slumber; you reproached me for sacrificing to my repose the great interests of the country.

I have crossed the seas in the midst of dangers of every kind: I arrive amongst you to resume my rights which are your's. All thatindividuals have done,written, or said, since the capture of Paris, I will be for ever ignorant of: it shall not at all influence the recollections which I preserve of the important services which they have performed. There are circumstances of such a nature as to be above human organization.

Frenchmen! There is no nation, however small it may be, which

the Allied Powers.

"The King of Saxony has seen with the deepest affliction, in the documents which Princes Metternich and Talleyrand and the Duke of Wellington were charged to communicate to him, the determination which the five Powers have come to with regard to the fate of Saxony.

"Without any other principle but that of convenience, and without any regard to the internal relations of the nation, a line has been traced across the country, which would at once tear from it two-fifths of its population, and more than one half of its territorial extent, as well as the means indispensable for the subsistence

DECLARATION. The Powers who have signed the treaty of Paris, assembled in Congress at Vienna, being informed of the escape of Napoleon Buonaparte, and of his entrance into France with an armed force, owe it to their own dignity and the interest of social order, to make a solemn declaration of the sentiments which this event has excited in them.

By thus breaking the conven tion which established him in the Island of Elba, Buonaparte de stroys the only legal title on which his existence depended: by ap pearing again in France with pro» jects of confusion and disorder, he has deprived himself of the protection of the law, and has manifested to the universe, that there can be neither peace nor truce with him. The Powers consequently declare, that Napo leon Buonaparte has placed him self without the pale of civil and social relations, and that as an enemy and disturber of the tran quillity of the world, he has rendered himself liable to public

vengeance,

They declare, at the same time, that firmly resolved to maintain entire the treaty of Paris, of 30th of May, 1814, and the dispositions sanctioned by that treaty, and those which theyhave resolved on, or shall hereafter resolve on, to complete and to consolidate it, they will employ all their means, and will unite all their efforts that the general peace, the object of the wishes of Europe, and the

replunge the world into the disorders and miseries of revolutions.

And although entirely persuaded that all France, rallying round its legitimate Sovereign, will immediately annihilate this attempt of a criminal and impotent delirium; all the Sovereigns of Europe, animated by the same sentiments,and guided bythe same principles, declare, that if, contrary to all calculations, there should result from these events any real danger, they will be ready to give the King of France and to the French nation, or to any other Government that shall be attacked, as soon as they shall be called upon, all the assistance requisite to restore public tranquillity, and to make a common cause against all those who should undertake to compromise it.

The present declaration inserted in the Register of the Congress assembled at Vienna on the 13th of March, 1815, shall be made public.

Done and attested by the Plenipotentiaries of the High Powers who signed the Treaty of Paris.

Vienna, March 13, 1815.

Here follow the signatures, in the alphabetical order of the Courts. Austria.

Spain. France.

Prince METTERNICH, Baron WESSENBERG. P. GOMEZ LABRADOR. Prince TALLEYRAND, Duke of DALBERG, LATOUR DU PIN, Count ALEXIS

Du

NOATLLES.

CLANCARTY,

CATHCART,

STEWART,