1

Baber

difficulty.

bitious hopes of independence, does not appear; but, at this time, a serious conspiracy was formed among them, for the purpose of destroying the remains of his army. The chief leaders were Yâdgâr Mirza, Nazer Mirza, Mîr Ayûb, and Mîr Muhammed, who fell upon Baber by night, slaughtered such of his followers as came in their way, and plundered and carried off whatever booty they could find. So unexpected was the escapes with attack, that Baber himself with difficulty escaped into the citadel of Hissâr in his nightclothes, not having even had time to put on his shoes; and so desperate had the situation of his affairs now become, that he had not a hope left of being able to revenge the affront. The power and influence of the Uzbeks daily increased, till they regained the undisputed possession of all Mâweralnaher, including the country of Hissâr. A famine and pestilence were added to the calamities of war, and Baber, who was shut up within the citadel of Hissâr, was reduced to the last extremes of misery.

Disaffection to his go

vernment.

arose.

What diminished his ultimate chance of success, was a marked disaffection to his government, which had manifested itself from Hissâr to Bokhâra. When he first entered the country on the defeat of Sheibâni Khan, the news of his approach was received with the strongest demonstrations of joy, both in the territories of Hissâr and of Samarkand; and he was hailed as a deliverer. But causes of mutual disgust speedily As he relied much on the assistance of Shah Ismâel, the King of Persia, for reconquering his dominions, in order to gratify that prince, he is said to have dressed himself and his troops in the Persian fashion, and to have issued an order that all his troops should wear a red cloth in their caps like Kezzelbashes. The principal men of Samarkand and Bokhâra were highly offended at this order, which, with the general distinction shown to the Persian auxiliaries, and perhaps some acts of Baber implying a dependance on the Persian king, appeared like a preparation for their becoming subjects of Persia. Their hostility to the Persians was now increased by difference of religion, Shah Ismâel being a warm and zealous apostle of the Shia faith, while Mâweralnaher, from the earliest ages of the Islâm, was always famous for the orthodoxy of its doctors and inhabitants, The detestation which the orthodox Sunnis of Mâweralnaher then bore to the heretical Shîas of Persia, was certainly increased by the persecutions at Herât; and it continues undiminished at the present hour, particularly among the Uzbeks, one of whom seldom willingly enters the territories of Persia1 except as an enemy. The nobles and religious men of Samarkand and Bokhâra had expressed great indignation that their soldiers should be disguised as Kezzelbashes. The usual weapons of ridicule and abuse were plentifully lavished on the king and his army, to expose these innovations to derision. The massacre at Kârshi, though it occurred in

1 I happened to meet with a singular instance of this, while making some inquiries regarding the geography of Uzbek Turkistân. An Uzbek Mulla, whom I consulted, had just made the pilgrimage of Mekka. On inquiring if he had passed through Persia, he expressed great horror. I found, that to avoid touching the soil of Persia, he had gone from Bokhara to Kokán, thence to Kâshghar, thence to Astrakhân, whence by Krim Tartary he had reached Constantinople. He went by sea to Egypt, and joined the caravan of Cairo. I saw him at Bombay, whither he had come from Jidda, after making the Haj, or pilgrimage. He was preparing to return home by Delhi, Lahore, and Peshâwer, to avoid coming in contact with the Persian Shîas.

2 They insulted the king and his troops, asking how they came to cover their heads nervis asininis, as they deridingly called the red piece of cloth that hangs from the top of the Persian cap.-See Khâfi Khan, vol. I. MS.

spite of Baber's efforts to prevent it, probably produced its natural consequences. Such an execution inevitably generates alienation and hatred ; and unless supported by an overwhelming force, so as to keep alive feelings of terror, is sure to be fatal by the detestation it produces. The contempt and hatred excited against the invaders spread in all directions, and finally extended to the king and all his measures. Baber, in the Baber in despair reend, seeing all hope of recovering Hissâr and Samarkand totally vanished, once more recrossed the Hindûkûsh mountains, attended by a few faithful followers, who still Kâbul. adhered to his fortunes, and again arrived in the city of Kâbul. From this time he seems to have abandoned all views1 on the country of Mâweralnaher; and he was "led by divine inspiration," says the courtly Abulfazl, writing in the reign of his grandson, "to turn his mind to the conquest of Hindustân.”

turns to

Kandahar.

But his arms were previously employed for several years in attempting a conquest Baber's atnearer to his capital. When Sheibâni Khan was obliged to raise the siege of the cita- tempts on del of Kandahâr, to return to the rescue of his family in Nirehtu, Nâsir Mirza, Baber's A. H. 913, youngest brother, who defended the place, had been reduced to great difficulties. The A. D. 1507. departure of Sheibâni Khan did not much improve his situation; for Shah Beg and Mokîm remained in the neighbourhood, and, in a short time, so much straitened the young prince, who, from the first, was but ill prepared for a siege, that he soon found it necessary to abandon the citadel of Kandahâr, and return to the court of his brother. Baber bestowed on him the government of Ghazni, an incident mentioned among the events of the year 913. The year in which Baber came back from Kundez to Kâbul, I have not. discovered; but his return was probably in the course of 921. Of the A. D. 1515. transactions of the three following years, our accounts are very imperfect. There is reason to believe that they were chiefly spent in an annual invasion of the territory of Kandahâr, the forts of which were defended by Shah Beg, though he did not venture to oppose the invaders in the field.

The fragment of Baber's Memoirs which follows, describes his first invasion of India, and also what Khafi Khan and Ferishta regard as the second. It includes a period of only one year and a month. The Memoirs here assume the form of a journal.

1 His hopes were revived for a moment near the close of his life.

MEMOIRS OF BABER

A. D. 1519.

Baber

marches to attack Ba

jour.

2

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 925.1

ON Monday, the first day of the month of Moharrem, there was a violent earthJanuary 3. quake in the lower part of the valley, or Jûlga of Chandûl,3 which lasted nearly half an astronomical hour. Next morning I marched from this stage, for the purpose of attacking the fort of Bajour. Having encamped near it, I sent a trusty man of the Dilazak Afghâns to Bajour, to require the Sultan of Bajour and his people to submit, and deliver up the fort. That stupid and ill-fated set refused to do as they were advised, and sent back an absurd answer. I therefore ordered the army to prepare their besieging implements, scaling-ladders, and engines for attacking fortresses. For this purpose we halted one day in our camp.

January 6.

On Thursday, the 4th of Moharrem, I ordered the troops to put on their armour, to prepare their weapons, and to mount in readiness for action. The left wing I ordered to proceed higher up than the fort of Bajour, to cross the river at the ford, and to take their ground to the north of the fort; I ordered the centre not to cross the river, but to station themselves in the broken and high grounds to the north-west. The right wing was directed to halt to the west of the lower gate. When Dost Beg and the Begs of the left wing were halting, after crossing the river, a hundred or a hundred and fifty foot sallied from the fort, and assailed them by discharges of arrows. The Begs, on their side, received the attack, and returned the discharge, chased back the enemy to the fort, and drove them under the ramparts. Mûlla Abdalmalek of Khost madly pushed on his horse, and rode close up to the foot of the wall. If the scaling-ladders and Tura1 had been ready, and the day not so nearly spent, we should have taken the castle at that very time. Mulla Tûrk Ali, and a servant of Tengri Berdi, having each engaged in single combat with an enemy, took their antagonists, cut off their heads, and brought them back. Both of them were ordered to

1 Dr Leyden's translation here begins again.

2 The whole of the year 925 of the Hejira is included in A.D. 1519.

3 This valley is now called Jondôl, or Jandôl. It is about a day's journey from Bajour, to the north or north-east. The name of Chandûl, however, is still known.

The Tura, as has already been observed, were probably broad testudos, under cover of which the besiegers advanced to the storm.

receive honorary presents. As the people of Bajour had never seen any matchlocks, they at first were not in the least apprehensive of them, so that when they heard the report of the matchlocks, they stood opposite to them, mocking and making many unseemly and improper gestures. That same day, Ustâd Ali Kuli brought down five men with his matchlock, and Wali Khazin also killed two. The rest of the matchlockmen likewise showed great courage, and behaved finely. Quitting their shields, their mail, and their cowheads,' they plied their shot so well, that before evening, seven, eight, or ten Bajouris were brought down by them; after which, the men of the fort were so alarmed, that, for fear of the matchlocks, not one of them would venture to show his head. As it was now evening, orders were given that the troops should be drawn off for the present, but should prepare the proper implements and engines, for assaulting the fortress in the morning twilight.

On Friday, the 5th day of Moharrem, at the first dawn of light, orders were given January 7. to sound the kettle-drum for action. The troops all moved forward according to the stations assigned them, and invested the place. The left wing and centre having brought at once an entire Tura from their trenches, applied the scaling-ladders, and began to mount. Khalifeh, Shah Hassan Arghun, and Ahmed Yûsef, with their followers, were ordered from the left of the centre, to reinforce the left wing. Dost Beg's men reached the foot of a tower on the north-east of the fort, and began undermining and destroying the walls. Ustâd Ali Kuli was also there, and that day too he managed his matchlock to good purpose; the Feringy2 piece was twice discharged. Wali Khazin also brought down a man with his matchlock. On the left of the centre, Malek Kutub Ali having mounted the walls by a scaling-ladder, was for some time engaged hand to hand with the enemy. At the lines of the main body, Muhammed Ali Jengjeng, and his younger brother Nouroz, mounted by a scaling-ladder, and fought bravely with spear and sword. Bâba Yesâwel, mounting by another scaling-ladder, busied himself in demolishing with an axe the parapet of the fort. Many of our people bravely climbed up, kept plying the enemy with their arrows, and would not suffer them to raise their heads above the works; some others of our people, in spite of all the exertions and annoyance of the enemy, and not minding their bows and arrows, employed themselves in breaking through the walls, and demolishing the defences. It was The fort luncheon-time when the tower to the north-east, which Dost Beg's men were under- breached mining, was breached; immediately on which the assailants drove the enemy before them, and entered the tower. The men of the main body, at the same time, also mounted by their scaling-ladders, and entered the fort. By the favour and kindness of God, in the course of two or three hours, we took this strong castle. All ranks displayed

The cowheads were probably a kind of awning, covered with cow-hides, to admit of the matchlockmen loading in safety.

2 Much has been written concerning the early use of gunpowder in the East. There is, however, no well-authenticated fact to prove the existence of anything like artillery there, till it was introduced from. Europe. Baber here, and in other places, calls his larger ordnance Feringi, a proof that they were then regarded as owing their origin to Europe. The Turks, in consequence of their constant intercourse with the nations of the West, have always excelled all the other Orientals in the use of artillery; and, when heavy cannon were first used in India, Europeans or Turks were engaged to serve them.

3 Chasht.

and taken.

A. D. 1519. the greatest courage and energy, and justified their right to the character and fame of valour. As the men of Bajour were rebels, rebels to the followers of Islâm, and as, beside their rebellion and hostility, they followed the customs and usages of the infidels, while even the name of Islâm was extirpated from among them, they were all put to the sword, and their wives and families made prisoners. Perhaps upwards of three thousand men were killed. As the eastern side of the fortress was not attacked, a small number made their escape by that quarter. After taking the fortress, I went round and surveyed it, and found an immense number of dead bodies lying about on the terraced roofs, within the houses, and in the streets, insomuch, that persons coming and going to and fro, were obliged to tread on and pass over them. On my return from surveying the place, I took my seat in the palace of the Sultans, and bestowed the country of Bajour on Khwâjeh Kilân,1 and having given him a number of my best men to support him, returned to the camp about evening prayers.

January 8,

Bâba Kâra.

Next morning I pursued my march, and halted in the vale of Bajour, at the founMarches to tain of Bâba Kâra. At the intercession of Khwâjeh Kilân, I pardoned a few prisoners who were still left, and suffered them to depart with their wives and families. Several of the sultans and arch-rebels, who had fallen into our hands, were put to death. I sent the heads of the sultans, with some other heads, to Kâbul, along with the dispatches announcing this victory. Letters conveying accounts of the victory were also sent, together with some heads, to Badakhshân, Kundez, and Balkh. Shah Mansûr Yusefzai, who had come on a mission from the Yusefzais, was present at this victory and massacre. Having invested him with a dress of honour, and written threatening letters to the Yusefzais, I gave him leave to depart.

January 11.

January 12.

The expedition against Bajour being thus terminated to my entire satisfaction, on Tuesday, the 9th of Moharrem, I moved on, and halted a kos farther down, in the same vale of Bajour, where I gave orders for the erection of a pillar of sculls on a rising ground.

On Wednesday, the 10th of Moharrem, I mounted and rode to the castle of Bajour, where we had a drinking party3 in Khwâjeh Kilân's house. The Kafers in the neighbourhood of Bajour, had brought down wine in a number of skins. The wines and fruits of Bajour are wholly from that part of Kaferistân which lies about Bajour. I staid there all night, and next morning surveyed the towers and rampart of the fort; after which I mounted and rode back to the camp.

January 13. The morning after, I marched on, and encamped on the banks of the river of January 14. Khwâjeh Khizer. Marching thence, I halted on the banks of the river Chandûl.

1 Khwâjeh Kilân, was the son of Moulana Muhammed Sader, who was one of the chief men of Omersheikh Mirza's court. He had six brothers, all of whom spent their lives in Baber's service, to whom they were distantly related, if we may believe Abulfazl.

The valley of Bâba Kâra is seven kos north of the town of Bajour, on the road to Jondôl.

3 Baber has now got over his scruples about drinking wine, and seems henceforward to have indulged in it to excess, till near the end of his life.

4 There does not appear to be any river between Bajour and Jondôl, except that of Bâba Kâra, which may also, perhaps, have been called Khwâjeh Khizer. Mr Elphinstone informs me, that he has laid down the river of Bajour wrong in his map; and that it joins the river of Penjkôra a march or two above the junction of that river with the river of Swât (or Siwâd); while the Jondôl river joins the river of Bajour a march from the town of Bajour.