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a case as had been stated by the Hon. Member for Preston, he would suppose that a man had died in gaol—had been murdered in gaol—and such things had sometimes happened—what security was there that the Coroner's inquiry would lead to a full and fair investigation, if the inquest could be held in secret * In all such cases, the only protection which the people could have was by the free admission of the reporters for the public press. He looked upon the impunity of those who wereconcemedin the celebrated murders at Manchester to have been secured by the imperfection of the law respecting the Coroners' Court.—The Committee divided—for the amendment enjoining publicity, 94; against it, 54; majority, 40.— Considerable discussion ensued in consequenccofthesuccessofthis important amendment, which appeared to have taken the opposition by surprise—Mr. F. Lewis, Sir R. Feel, Mr. Baring, and others, protested against the holding inquests in public. Ultimately the clause was agreed to. It was also agreed that the provisions of the Bill shall not extend to Ireland and Scotland.

June 22. Mr. Hunt presented a numerously signed petition, complaining that the magistrates and gaoler of Nottingham, had subjected certain prisoners to cruel priva

tions, and that the magistrates had refused to swear the prisoners to the truth of affidavits, setting forth their complaint Mr. G.

Lamb said, that nothing could be more false than the statements of the petition. He would take care that the fullest inquiry should be made.—The division of counties' bill was read a third time.—Mr. Blamire moved an alteration in the boundaries' bill relative to Whitehaven, but it was negatived. —Mr. Best moved, that the Isle of Purbeck be added to Wareham Lord Althorp proposed rather to add Corfe Castle.—For the addition of Corfe Castle, 55; against it, 122.—Mr. Tennyson complained, that if they adhered to the boundary of Stamford, a new reform would soon be necessary, and another schedule A. They would create a nomination borough of Lord Exeter's if they added St. Martin's to Stamford. He moved for omitting the new boundaries of Stamford.—Lord Althorp said, it would be unjust to leave out St. Martin's because of Lord Exeter's interest in it. He should oppose the amendment.—For Mr. Tennyson's motion, 19; against it, 172.—A bill to abolish the punishment of death in cases of forgery, was brought in by the AttorneyGeneral.



Accounts from Harbadoes state that the island was recovering from the effects of the late destructive hurricane with a rapidity indicative of the greatest industry and energy among its inhabitants. Most of the buildings injured by it had been restored to their former appearance; and to the eye of a stranger (to quote the observation of one of the papers), so few vestiges of it would be perceptible, as to justify his attributing to imagination and excitement all the descriptions of it which were published at the time. Great irritation evidently still prevailed in Barbadoes on the subject of the Slave question and the Order in Council, but it is manifested chiefly in the leading articles of the journals, and in the extracts from those London newspapers that are the known advocates of the continuance of the old system. Much gratitude is expressed for the liberal vote by the House of Commons of 100,0001. for the sufferers by the hurricane. The new session of the Colonial Parliament was opened on the 3rd of April, in the usual manner, by Sir James Lyon, the Governor.

Accounts from Oemerara state that the colony was tranquil; that the Orders in Council were promulgated, but not acted upon, on account of the resistance of the planters. All taxes to the Government continued suspended, the Governor borrowing

money on his own responsibility for the necessary expenses.

The news from St. Lucia is of the most disagreeable description; the Governor had put several of the principal planters into gaol, on account of their non-compliance with the Orders in Council.

Accounts from Jamaica contain the report of the Committee appointed by the Assembly to investigate the causes and effects of" the late rebellion. The report commences with the causes, which are classed according to their importance: the interference with the local government of the island—intemperate expressions used in parliament—the arts and devices of the AntiSlavery Society, &c. &c. The loss is stated at 1,154,5892. 2«. Id.; suppression of the rebellion, 161,5961, 19s. 9d. A permanent militia would be established forthwith.

[The first Report of the Select Committee on the commercial state of the West Indian Colonies, which has been lately made, stares that they have received abundant evidence of the distress under which the West India

filanters labour, and have laboured for a ong time. The immediate cause, according to the West Indians, is the inadequacy of return. The cost of production of a hundred weight of sugar is 15$. 8d. The expense of bringing it to market is Hi. 6d. The market price is 23s. Bd. thus leaving a deficiency of 6d. Trie Report then adverts to the history of our Colonial system—to the abolition of the Slave traffic in 1807—to the necessity of the planter (o rear all his slaves, and maintain a large number of females, who would not otherwise be required —to the contiuuance of the Slave-traffic in Cuba and Brazil—to the admission of foreign colonies into the British market, and to the inability of the West Indians to compete with the foreign colonies, not enjoying the same advantages—to the high duty upon rum and sugar—to the increased cost of production, by reason of the abolition of the Slave Trade, the ameliorating; orders, and the commercial restrictions—and to the exclusion of molasses by law from the distilleries and public breweries of the United Kingdom. These, the West Indians contend, are the artificial causes of the present distress; and they claim a compensation which will enable them to compete upon equal terms with the foreign grower. The Report states that some of the causes appear susceptible of removal, which is a better remedy than compensation. One of the principal causes is the commercial restrictions. According to papers submitted to the Board of Trade, they impose an annual charge upon the West India Colonies of 1,392,353*. The burden on sugar is 5s. 6id. a cwt. Take this burden away, and the cost of bringing a cwt. of sugar to market would be reduced to 18*. 7f d. (the cost is 24s. 2d.) If the mar

ket price is 23s. Bd. then a balance of 5s. 0§d\ remains in favour of the planter, instead of (id. against him]

[The following document has been issued from the Colonial Office. It is an official reply to certain queries on the subject of emigration. "The provisions for sick or destitute persons, or orphan children, arriving in the North American colonies, depends upon the charitable institutions for the purpose which exist in those colonies. In order, however, to prevent the improper discharge upon the colonial charities ofpeople burdensome at home, no relief is afforded to grown persons who were infirm or disabled previously to their embarkation from this country. The governors of the several North American colonies have been instructed to find employment on some public works for persons who may not be able to obtain private engagements. This has been done as a measure of precaution against an evil which is very unlikely to arise; and there has not yet been an instance, among the very numerous emigrations of late years, of the emigrants of the season not finding work through the ordinary demand for labour in the colonies. In New Brunswick, the construction of a great road is about to be undertaken by Government, on which emigrants will bo offered employment on very advantageous terms."]



New American Tariff.—The following is a synopsis of the Bill reported to the House of Representatives, by the Secretary of the Treasury. The act of 19th May, 1828, to be repealed after the 3rd of March, 1833: after that time, the duties to be as follows:— On wool, manufactured, not costing more ttiau 10 cents a lb. 5 per cent, ad valorem, aud costing more than 10 cents a lb. 20 per cent, ad valorem. On manufactures of wool, or of which wcol is a component part, not otherwise specified, costing not more than 50 cents a square yard, 10 per cent, ad valorem.—On worsted stuff goods, wool. len and worsted yarn, 20 per cent, ad valorem. —On mitts, gloves, blankets, hosiery, carpets, and carpeting, 25 per cent, ad valorem.—On flannels, baizes, and all other manufactures of wool, 30 per cent, ad valorem.—On manufactures of cotton of all kinds, or of which cotton is a component part, 25 per cent, ad valorem; those printed, dyed, coloured, or stained, to be v.dued at 35 cents a square yard; and white cottons to be valued at 30 cents a square yard ; on nankeens Imported direct from China, 20 per cent, ad valorem.—On iron, ami the manufactures of iron, (be tame duties as were paid in 1828, with some unimportant exceptions; and checks provided against evasions of the duties.—On sugar, brown,


aud syrup for making sugar, 2$ cents per pound. —On sugar; white, clayed, or powdered, 3J cents per lb.—On salt, 5 cents a bushel of 561bs. —On teas of all kinds, direct from China, and in vessels of the United States, 1 cent a lb ; otherwise 10 cents a lb.—On coffee, ^ cent a lb.—On hemp, manufactured, 50 dollars per Ion—On sail duck, 10 cents a square yard.—On floorcloths, stamped, painted, or printed, 43 cents a square yard: oilier oil cloths, of all kinds, and floor matting, 30 per cent, ad valorem.-—On slates of all kinds, 25 per cent, ad valorem.— On glass, the same duties as were paid in 1821.—On olive oil. in casks, 12J cents a gallon.—Oh French wines, red, in casks, 0 cents per gallon; white ditto, 10 ditto: all kinds in bottles, 22 cents ditto. According to treaty.

The following is to be added to the list of articles exempted from duty by the existing laws;—

The additional 10 or 20 per cent, (as the case may he) now charger) on the value of the merchandize, before the duties are calculated, to he taken off; nil charges for inlitul transjiortation, commissions, draya^e, wharfase, &c. in the foreign country, to be considered as constituting a part of the cost or value of the tioods, and insurance only from the lorcii;U port of exportation to the luittd States, to be excepted. Credit on duties reduced: one half to be payable In three

2 p

months and one half in six months—under two hundred dollars to be paid in cash. Duties on woollens to be paid in cash, or the woollens may be stored for three and six months, upon payment of interest.—Auction duly of 1$ per cent, on foreign wool manufactures sold at public auction: in places where there is an officer of the customs, no sucb woollens to be sold at auction unless an officer be present.—Appraisers may examine owners, importers, consignees, and others on oath, and require the production of any papers in their possession, touching the value of the merchandize to be appraised by them: ii the owner, importer, or consignee, decline to appear, or produce the papers, the appraisement to be final. If they awear falsely, to be deemed guilty of perjury, and goods to be forfeited.—In consideration of the duties imposed on articles used in constructing and filling ships and vessels, a drawback is to be allowed under certain regulations, on first taking out papers, of two dollars a ton on registered vessels; one dollar and 25 cents on enrolled and licensed; anil 50 cents a ton on steam boats. —Woollen and cotton goods, of similar kind but different quality, contained in the same package, arc only to be charged according to the value of the best article when charged in the invoice at an average price.—Woollen or cotton goods, found in a package, and not contained in the entry, to be forfeited.—This and the preceding provisions are the same as in the Bill reported by the Committee on manufacture in the House of Representatives.

While the spirit of insurrection is abroad in the south of France, and that portion of the empire is convulsed by a rebellion of the Carlists, the capital itself has been the scene of a revolutionary movement on the part of the Republicans. The funeral of General Lamarque, which took place June the 5th, was selected as the fitting occasion for the operations of the Republican party ; and after the procession had passed the Bastile, and funeral orations had been delivered by various persons, a band of agitators—among whom were a number of students of the public schools—commenced the work of disturbance by shouts of " Liberty !" "Lafayette!" and " A Republic!" followed up by firing upon the National Guard and the troops of the line. The insurgents then took possession of the Bank, the Royal Printing Office, and several other posts, where they forthwith proceeded to construct barricades, by stopping and overthrowing carriages, and forcing the inhabitants of the houses to furnish them with other materials. In a short time a reinforcement of troops arrived, and drove them from the posts and barricades. The fighting continued in various parts of the city during the 5th and the following pight. Upon receiving intelligence of the insurrection, the King, who was at St. Cloud, arrived at the Tuileries, where he was received by upwards of 21)00 of the National Guards and a great number of Deputies.

On the 6th, Paris was declared to be in a state of siege; and a large body of the revolutionists, after being batHed in some desperate efforts against the troops, retired to the church of St. Mary, Rue Montmartre, as their last stronghold. Thither Marshal Soult, Minister at War, proceeded in person, and summoned them to surrender at discretion in the course of ten minutes, failing which, he gave them warning that the church doors would be forced with artillery. The brief moments having expired, the church was stormed and carried by assault, and the whole of the insurgents who were not killed, were taken prisoners. In the course of (he day, M. Montalivet, the Minister of the Interior, published an address to the people of Paris, in which he thanked them, in the name of the King, for the discountenance which they had given to the factious, and denounced the Carlists and Republicans as the chief agents in the disturbances. Some corps of the artillery of the National Guards have been disbanded, and the Polytechnic School has been dissolved: but such of the students as remaintd at home, and took no part in the insurrection, are to be admitted in the reorganization of that school, which is immediately to take place. The Royal Veterinary School of Alfort is dissolved, and the Mayor of the Seventh Arondissement dismissed.

The Government is taking extraordinary measures for effectually preventing a recurrence of the insurrection—martial-law has been proclaimed—domiciliary visits are made where there is the least suspicion, and many arrests have taken place. The liberty of the press is suspended; several of the journals have been seized, and their types destroyed. Thus what was the cause of the Revolution of 1830, is the effect of the Insurrection of 1832. The disturbance is apparently quelled, but things are far from being in a tranquil state; so far we have given an abstract of the statements of the affray—collected from the authorities on both sides.

Louis Philippe is now absolute, in the place where Charles X. in endeavouring to set himself above the laws, met the just doom of one who dares to confiscate at his will and pleasure the liberties of a people. But Louis Philippe pretends the safety of the State required the subversion of the law. So did Charles X. No one who effects tyranny ever acknowledges that he loves it for its own sake. It is always pretended that power beyond the law is only wanted to protect the country from some greater evil than the loss or suspension of its liberties. Charles X. and his Ministers asserted that regular government could not be earned on, and that anarchy must ensue, unless the Ordinances rescued the State from the dangers of the Charter. The heroes of the barricades confuted him—they overthrew his Government altogether, and yet anarchy did not follow; on the contrary, the evils of misgovernment were repaired, a constitutional throne was erected, and a man chosen by the free will of the people was placed upon it, to administer the laws of a renovated Charter.


The news from Germany becomes more interesting, if not more important, every day. From all quarters we learn, from the papers, that the restlessness of the people under their present institutions, begins to display itself more apparently, and that their impatience has latterly been vented in terms which really denote a serious determination to improve their condition, and hazard every thing in the experiment. The recent fete at Hambach, which was, in fact, intended as a grand " aggregate" meeting of the reformers of Germany, though it ended in disappointment, was still marked by features which have given to it a fearful importance in the eyes of the petty tyrants of that extensive country. Some of the principal actors upon that occasion have been since, for the violence of their language, obliged to fly; but the spirit which their harangues conjured up has not been laid, and, though at present quiet, it seems to be feaicd that it will soon revive,and again manifest itself more strongly than ever. It appears, however, to be the general opinion throughout liberal Germany, that the extreme violence of Dr. Wirth and some few other individuals, at the fete of Hambach, has tended rattier to retard than to promote the progress of amelioration, for the timid portion of the well-wishers to better institutions have taken the alarm, and cannot now see the middle space between absolute despotism and the wildest excesses of democratic preponderaucy. Hence they are disposed, it is said, to wotship the forms of Government, imperfect as they are, by which they are now swayed, rather than trust to a new, untried, and, from the manifestations already made, dreaded and dangerous system of popular rule.


Some proceedings have been published of the General Assembly of the States of Hanover, which was opened by the Dukeof Cambridge. On the 2nd June a Royal Rescript was'delivered. with the report on a draught of the constitutional law, as modified after it had been prepared by the Committee, appointed in the last Session for that purpose.

The heads of the intended Constitution, which were briefly alluded to in the Speech by which the Session was opened, are minutely detailed in the Rescript. The following passage is extracted from this document:

"As the tranquillity and prosperity of our beloved subjects require tin: existence of a strong Government, which, elevated above parties and passions, should be always capable of protecting and maintaining the rightB and liberties of all, we, therefore, will that the sovereign rights appertaining unto us—in virtue of which we unite in ourselves the whole power of the State, in its external as well as its internal ^relations—shall remain as they now are to us and our successors in the Government, who, according to the right of primogeniture, and without division of the territory, shall become entitled to wear the hereditary crown. And, for the benefit of our subjects themselves, we are resolved not to permit our throne to be surrounded with such political arrangements as are suited only to republics, and are irreconcilable with a monarchical constitution."

The degree of liberty to be allowed to the Press is thus notified :—

"We s;ranl the Freedom of the Press; but under the obligation of observing the laws to be enacted against its abuse, and the stipulations of jhe German Confederacy."

From this, the spirit and character of the whole constitution may be easily conjectured.


The most melancholy accounts have been received from this unhappy country; thousands of parents mourn the loss of their children, torn from them to people the Rus- .. sian military colonies. The Government employs by turns force and fraud to obtain its object, and that object is the destruction of Poland. The schools have become barracks. The ukase ordering the Poles to enter the Russian ranks has exasperated all classes; more than fifty young men have blown out their brains in despair; many have fled to the forest, and are hunted like wild beasts by the police and gendarmes. In Lithuania, in the forests of Rialowicz, the insurrection has re-appeared; the insurgents are said to amount to several thousands, and headed by Colonel Koss. The aspect of Warsaw is sad and mournful. Lithuania and Volhynia, and the other provinces, are in a still more wretched state.


The Spanish Minister has renewed his assurances to our Government, that Spain will maintain the most strict neutrality with respect to Portugal.


Henry Master ton, or the Young Cavalier. By the Author of "Philip-Augustus." 3 vols.

A most spirited and interesting story—a vivid picture of the times, without being made dry by overloading of antiquarian detail, and yet containing quite enough of historical incident to identify the period, and bring in former associations to lend their attraction to fiction. Henry Masterton recounts his own narrative, much of whose interest, however, devolves on his elder brother. Francis is at once shy and haughty—grave, yet sarcastic—while the younger is of a more cheerful and actual kind. A beautiful ward of their father's is betrothed to the eldest, but beloved by the youngest, who from a strong sense of duty, which is a leading characteristic, suppresses his attachment. A regiment is raised on their estate—the two brothors take the command—and on their march, Francis becomes entangled in the toils, and subdued by the fascinations of a Lady Eleanor, whose character is admirably sketched by oar author. Beyond these limits we hold it (reason to venture—we give a sketch of the embarrassments, but not of their termination, and would not spoil an animated mystery for the world. We most confess we are not of the number who decry historic fiction, as injmious to history: the chances are, that an attractive picture, of any time or class, will induce the generality of readers to give a degree of attention to the subject, which they never would have bestowed had it not been brought pleasantly before them: and we must also point attention to the information and the accuracy now expected, and found, in the pages of an historic romance. Take, for example, the pages before us; no one can read them without forming a general and correct notion of the state of England in those eventful days: the fanaticism on both sides—the one religious, the other royal; the dreadful distress of a conniry whose own plains are the field of battle; the evil brought out prominently by tumult and temptation; good, too, existing under all circumstances; and descriptions of various scenic, such as live now but in old chronicles; all these are very different materials to be stored up fn the mind, than those inane pages which formerly constituted the circulating medium of a circulating library. Mr. James is of a good school, of which, if he is a pupil, he is one of original talents and excellent taste. We believe bis attention was first turned to his present style of composition by the advice of Sir Walter himself—it was advice well bestowed.

The following description of a battle will at once gratify our readers, and bear us out in the observations we have made above:—

"I spurred forward, and turned into the road. It seemed to have been but a cart-way, between two houses into the fields beyond, and was not altogether twenty yards long; so that at once, the battle again broke upon my sight; hut now much nearer than before, and with my position reversed in regard to the field. The wind here set from me, and blow the smoke away, so that I could distinguish plainly the objects thai were in the foreground. The general plan of the held,

however, and the position of the two armies, I confess I neither saw nor understood.

"A small park of artillery, which seemed extremely well served, and a considerable body of heavy horse left to guard it, were the first things that struck my sight; and the same glance informed me at once, by the plain, rude habilimenu of the soldiers, that the horse I saw were Round, heads. They were placed a little higher on the ground than we were, and apparently left for the specific purpose of defending the cannon. The troopers were sitting idle on their horses, gazing over the field, with the long line of their backs and of their horses* croups towards me. To charge them was, of course, my determination; and I brought up the regiment as fast as possible.

** The first thing that made the rebels aware of our presence, was our forming about a hundred yards in their rear; and even then, more than one of them turned his head, and seemingly taking us for some of their own regiments, did not give the alarm. At length, a trooper, more observant than the rest, remarked our colours, and there was an immediate movement amongst them; bnt by this time we were ready to charge, and were upon them before they could properly wheel.

M 1 saw a good deal of wavering and confusion along their line as we c*me np; and just as we were closing—when each man could distinguish his antagonist as perfectly as if they sat beside each other—when every feature, grim and tense, with the eagerness of attack and defence, was as clear as in a picture—the hearts of some of their troopers, shaken by surprise and disarray, failed; and they attempted to turn their bridles from the shock. Immense confusion ensued; and with a loud shout we poured into their broken ranks, cut down the artillery men at their guns, and drove back the flying cavalry upon the pike men of the left wing. Many of the rebels, however, stood manfully, in spite of the flight of their companions; and one little knot in the centre, refusing all quarter, were absolutely hewn from their Baddies.

"The effect of our charge, I afterwards found, had been great upon the fortunes of the day. The artillery of the enemy's left, which had thrown Lord Norwich's retreating infantry into confusion, being now silenced, order was restored in that part of bis army; and at the same time, as the Parliamentary pikemen were in many places trodden down by their own cavalry, an opportunity was afforded of rallying the HoyaliKt horse, to keep the enemy in check, while Lord Norwich concentrated his troops upon the road, and the retreat assumed a firm and regular order.

"At first, after having gained the height, and caught a glance of the position of the various forces, I fancied that a few brisk charges, while the Roundheads were still in confusion, would have turned the day In our favour, as on the former occasion at Wrotham. But the whole business, as I soon found, was of a very different nature. The part of the Parliamentary army which I saw, was nothing but their left wing, which had been extended for the purpose if turning the right flink of the Royalists, and intercepting their retreat. Lord Norwich bad extended his right to counteract this movement; but in doing so, the tuijierioi- numbers of the enemy, and

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