prearranged. But the army resented the suggestion that the battle was not real, and it certainly was real to all below the rank of commanding general.37

The Filipino troops had done some good fighting against the demoralized Spaniards, but they had no part in the final operations which resulted in the surrender of Manila. During the long weeks while Admiral Dewey was waiting for the arrival of the army they had succeeded in driving the Spaniards out of the country between Cavite and the suburbs of Manila and within the outer lines of the city, but there is no justification for the assumption that this work would have had to be done by the Americans in the way in which it was done by the Filipinos. They had, however, succeeded in putting Manila in a state of siege, although its effectiveness has been exaggerated. "The insurgents," says General Greene, "had furnished a force which, unorganized and poorly equipped as it was, nevertheless was suf

At the time of the surrender the American troops had merely driven the Spaniards within the walls, where their main defense would have been made.

37 General Anderson, who was second in command, wrote: "I do not know that I can give the absolute gospel truth as to the so-called capitulation agreement, but I can say that if there was an agreement that Manila was to be surrendered with only a semblance of a fight, it was not communicated to the army. I was directed to draw up and submit what is known as the technical plan of attack. I drew it up on the theory that there was to be a bona fide resistance, and it was adopted by the commanding general. I was directed not to press the land attack until it was seen whether the Spaniards raised the white flag after the navy opened fire. I had twelve field pieces of artillery bearing on the Spanish lines and four in reserve. I waited twenty minutes after the naval guns began firing and then directed the land batteries to open. As the white flag was not then raised the infantry advanced, carried the Spanish works and entered the city and then, and not before, the white flag was raised." No. Am. Rev., CLXX, p. 213.

In an article published in the Century Magazine, XXXV, p. 942, Mr. John T. McCutcheon, who was on board the Olympia, says that after the firing had continued for some time, "Captain Lamberton turned his glasses on the walled city and said, reflectively: "They were to raise a white flag on the southeast corner, but I do not see it yet.' The Admiral said that it had been there for some time and that by close observation it was discovered at the appointed place and had evidently been raised according to program and at the proper moment. This was part of the agreement. The Spaniards would not give up the city without a theatrical show of resistance which could be reported to Madrid, but they had arranged to raise a white flag when the Malate fort was taken. In the meantime it was tacitly understood that the guns of the fleet should not be turned on the city and that the guns of Manila should not be turned on the Americans."

Admiral Dewey has cleared up whatever doubt there may have been. Autobiography, p. 273.

ficient to capture the waterworks and to prevent any food entering the city, thus leaving the population dependent on rain-water and on the food supply that happened to be in the city." Although badly organized and disciplined, they fought well, and generally with success. It must be remembered, however, that the Spaniards were at that time intimidated by the presence of the American fleet in front of the city.88

There were various reasons, some political and others humanitarian, why the insurgents should not enter the city. To have permitted them to join in the attack would have given them at least a moral right to be heard as to the terms of surrender and the future control and government of the city. The subsequent demand by Aguinaldo that the governor-general's palace should be delivered to him for his use as an official residence suggests the nature of the demands which would have been made had he been allowed to enter the city as one of the captors. It was also feared that the leaders of the undisciplined Filipinos would not be able to control them and that summary vengeance would be taken on their ancient enemies.

As some of the insurgents might, notwithstanding the order, succeed in getting into Manila, General Merritt on the evening before the attack sent Aguinaldo a copy of the proclamation which he intended to issue after the capture, in which the maximum penalty known to military law was announced as the punishment which would be imposed on all who were guilty of violence or pillage.

About the same time General Anderson was ordered to notify

38 General Greene, who saw much of the native troops, gives a very good picture of their methods of fighting. "They had," he says, "but little organization and were young men and boys of slight stature weighing from 100 to 120 pounds each, dressed in a uniform of striped blue cloth and a straw hat, without shoes. They were armed indiscriminately with Mausers and Remingtons and took turns in serving in the trenches for a few days and then returning to their homes in the vicinity for a week of rest, their posts and arms being taken by others. They occupied the houses in the numerous villages in the rear of their barricades and trenches, and here their food, which consisted principally of rice, occasionally with a little meat, was cooked and then carried to the trenches. They were constantly engaged in desultory fighting with the Spaniards, and when their ammunition was exhausted they would abandon a barricade in a body and go off to get more." Century Magazine, XXXV, p. 790.

Aguinaldo to forbid his troops to enter the city. This unpleasant information reached the insurgent leader late on the evening of August 12, after he had made all his preparations to attack the Spanish lines on the following morning. It was received with anger and indignation. Fearing that the order would not be obeyed, General Anderson sent troops to hold the bridge which the insurgents must cross if they followed the Americans when they advanced.

However, during the battle they broke through by way of Santa Anna, and by the time the white flag was raised fully four thousand of the Filipinos were in possession of Paco, close to the walls of the old city.

General Greene tells an interesting story of the summary manner in which he disposed temporarily of a considerable force which he found close at hand waiting for the gates to be opened, by simply crowding them to one side. But they could not be thus shouldered out of the suburbs.

89

General Anderson drew a cordon of troops around the insurgents to prevent them from looting or spreading. "The situation," says he, "was very critical. Our soldiers believed that the Filipinos had fired on them and the Filipinos were almost beside themselves with rage and disappointment. The friendly relations we had with Generals Recarti and Noriel alone prevented a conflict with them then and there."

Early in the evening orders came from the commanding general to remove the insurgents from the city. The use of force meant a conflict between ten thousand Americans and fourteen thousand Filipinos, in which thirteen thousand Spaniards who were looking on from the comparatively safe vantage ground of the interior of the walled city would probably join. General Anderson, with good judgment, took the responsibility of sending a message to Aguinaldo, who was at Bacour, ten miles away, requesting him to withdraw his troops. In reply there came a commission consisting of Señors Buencamino, Legarde, Araneta and Sandico with a proposition that the insurgent troops would 39 Century Magazine, XXXV, p. 790.

be withdrawn if the Americans would agree to reinstate them in the same positions when peace was made between Spain and the United States.

This proposal seems to have impressed General Anderson as reasonable, but General Merritt, to whom it was referred, informed the commissioners that he could not give such a promise and that they must rely on the good-will and sense of justice of the American people. The commissioners then returned to Aguinaldo for further instructions, but one of the members left with General Anderson a letter in which Aguinaldo claimed that he had been treated harshly and that he had given up the trenches before Camp Dewey on a promise that there should be cooperation in future military movements. It is certain that no such promise was made by General Greene.

General Merritt directed that Aguinaldo should be informed that if he had been treated with apparent harshness it was from military necessity and that, while we might recognize the justice of their insurrection, it was thought judicious to have but one army in Manila at a time. Aguinaldo, in reply, agreed to the latter proposition but evidently felt that the army should be composed of Filipino instead of American troops.

During the operations which resulted in the capitulation of Manila, the American army had nineteen men killed and one hundred and three wounded. At this cost approximately ten thousand American soldiers, with the assistance of the navy, captured a city of more than two hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants, thirteen thousand Spanish prisoners, twenty-two thousand small arms, ten million rounds of ammunition, seventy-five modern guns, several hundred ancient bronze cannon well adapted for decorating parks and plazas, and nine hundred thousand dollars of public money.

CHAPTER XIII

The Peace Protocol and the Treaty of Paris

Spain Sues for Peace-Negotiations Through French Ambassador-The Protocol Status of Spain in Philippines-Effect of the Capitulation-The Peace Commissioners-Opening of the Conference-Uneasiness about Philippines-Spanish Preliminary Demands-Proposals for Treaty-Assumption of Sovereignty over Cuba-The Colonial Debts-Refusal of the United States to Assume Debts-Original Instructions as to Philippines-Growth of Sentiment in United States-Investigations by Commission-Conflicting Opinions-Final Instructions-Claim of Conquest-The Philippine Public Debt-Continental Sentiment Favors Spain-British Attitude-Offer of $20,000,000-Spain Accepts America's Terms-Certain Minor Issues-The Treaty-Purchase of Additional Islands-The End of a Colonial Empire.

By the middle of July, 1898, it had become apparent to the Spanish government that the prolongation of the war could only add to its already heavy accumulation of disasters. Spain had entered upon the war with the confident expectation that she would be able at least to inflict sufficient injury upon the United States to enable her to secure creditable terms of peace. But the accomplishments of her army and navy had been so slight that the proud old monarchy was left in a position perilously near the ridiculous. Judged by the results, neither army nor navy had been able to make even a reasonable showing, and Spain's prestige as a military power had vanished. Further delay might mean the loss of everything and even the humiliation of having the Peninsular coasts visited by an American fleet.

Having come to a realizing sense of the actual conditions, Spain lost no time in opening negotiations for peace. The Duke of Almodovar, Minister of Foreign Affairs, directed the Spanish ambassador at Paris to ask for the good offices of the French government in conveying to the United States the desire of Spain