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The bill was finally passed without a division,, advantages from the passage of this bill. I do the Senate refusing to call the Yeas and Nays.

not find it necessary to be censorious, nor even unjust to others, in order that my own course may be approved. I am sure that the honorable Senator from Illinois (Mr. DOUGLAS] did not mean

that the slave States should gain an advantage SPEECH OF WILLIAM H. SEWARD. over the free States, for he disclaimed it when

he introduced the bill. I believe, in all candor,

that the honorable Senator from Georgia, (Mr. The following speech was delivered by Hon. TOOMBS,] who comes out at the close of the battle William H. Seward, in the Senate of the United as one of the chiefest leaders of the victorious States, on the night of the final passage of the party, is sincere in declaring his own opinion Nebraska Bill, May 26, 1854.

that the slave States will gain no unjust advan

tage over the free States, because he disclaims it MR. PRESIDENT :-I rise with no purpose of as a triumph in their behalf. Notwithstanding further resisting or even delaying the passage of all this, however, what has occurred here and in this bill. Let its advocates have only a little the country, during this contest, has compelled a patience, and they will soon reach the object for conviction that Slavery will gain something, and which they have struggled so earnestly and so Freedom will endure a severe, though I hope not long. The sun has set for the last time upon the an irretrievable loss. The slaveholding States guaranteed and certain liberties of all the unset- are passive, quiet, content, and satisfied with the tled and unorganized portions of the American prospective boon, and the free States are excited continent that lie within the jurisdiction of the and alarmed with fearful forebodings and appreUnited States. To-morrow's sun will rise in dim hensions. The impatience for the speedy paseclipse over them. How long that obscuration sage of the bill manifested by its friends betrays shall last, is known only to the Power that directs a knowledge that this is the condition of public and controls all human events. For myself, I sentiment in the free States. They thought in know only this—that now no human power will the beginning that it was necessary to guard the prevent its coming on, and that its passing off measure by inserting the Clayton amendment, will be hastened and secured by others than which would exclude unnaturalized foreign inthose now here, and perhaps by only those be- habitants of the Territories from the right of longing to future generations.

suffrage. And now they seem willing, with alSir, it would be almost factious to offer further most perfect unanimity, to relinquish that safe. resistance to this measure here. Indeed, suc- guard, rather than to delay the adoption of the cessful resistance was never expected to be made principal measure for at most a year, perhaps in this Hall. The Senate floor is an old battle for only a week or a day. Suppose that the Senground, on which have been fought many con- ate should adhere to that condition, which so tests, and always, at least since 1820, with fortune lately was thought so wise and so important adverse to the cause of equal and universal what then? The bill could only go back to the freedom. We were only a few here who engaged House of Representatives, which must either in that cause in the beginning of this contest. yield or insist! In the one case or in the other, All that we could hope to do all that we did a decision in favor of the bill would be secured; hope to do-was to organize and to prepare the for even if the House should disagree, the Senate issue for the House of Representatives, to which would have time to recede. But the majority the country would look for its decision as author- will hazard nothing, even on a prospect so ceritative, and to awaken the country that it might tain as this. They will recede at once, without a be ready for the appeal which would be made, moment's further struggle, from the condition, whatever the decision of Congress might be. We and thus secure the passage of this bill now, toare no stronger now. Only fourteen at the first, right. Why such haste? Even if the question it will be fortunate if, among the ills and accidents were to go to the country before a final decision which surround us, we shall maintain that num- here, what would there be wrong in that? There ber to the end.

is no man living who will say that the country We are on the eve of the consommation of a anticipated, or that he anticipated, agitation of great national transaction-4 transaction which this measure in Congress, when this Congress will close a cycle in the history of our country- was elected, or even when it assembled in Deand it is impossible not to desire to pause a mo-cember last. ment and survey the scene around us and the Under such circumstances, and in the midst prospect before us. However obscure we may of agitation, and excitement, and debates, it is individually be, our connection with this great only fair to say that certainly the country has transaction will perpetuate our names for the not decided in favor of the bill. The refusal, praise or for the censure of future ages, and per- then, to let the question go to the country, is a haps in regions far remote. If, then, we had no conclusive pro that the slave States, as repreother motive for our actions but that of an sented here, expect from the passage of this bill honest desire for a just fame, we could not be what the free States insist that they will lose by indifferent to that scene and that prospect. But it, an advantage, a material advantage, and not individual interests and ambition sink into insig- a mere abstraction. There are men in the slave nificance in view of the interests of our country States, as in the free States, who insist always and of mankind. These interests awaken, attoo pertinaciously upon mere abstractions. But least in me, an intense solicitude.

that is not the policy of the slave States to-day. It was said by some in the beginning, and it They are in earnest in seeking for and securing has been said by others later in this debate, that an object, and an important one. I believe they it was doubtful whether it would be the cause of are going to have it. I do not know how long Slavery or the cause of Freedom that would gain the advantage gained will last, nor how great or

comprehensive it will be. Every Senator who compact, as to admit Missouri a new slave State; agrees with me in opinjon must feel as I do—that but upon the express condition, stipulated in under such circumstances he can forego nothing favor of the free States, that Slavery should be that can be done decently, with due respect to forever prohibited in all the residue of the existdifference of opinion, and consistently with the ing and unorganized Territories of the United constitutional and settled rules of legislation, to States lying north of the parallel of 36 deg. 80 m. place the true merits of the question before the north latitude. Certainly, I find nothing to win country. Questions sometimes occur, which seem my favor toward the bill in the proposition of to have two right sides. Such were the questions the Senator from Maryland [Mr. PEARCE] to rethat divided the English nation between Pitt and store the Clayton amendment, which was struck Fox-such the contest between the assailant and out in the House of Representatives. So far the defender of Quebec. The judgment of the from voting for that proposition, I shall vote world was suspended by its sympathies, and against it now, as I did when it was under conseemed ready to descend in favor of him who sideration here before, in accordance with the should be most gallant in conduct. And so, when opinion adopted as early as any political opinboth fell with equal chivalry on the same field, the ions I ever had, and cherished as long, that the survivors united in raising a common monument right of suffrage is not a mere conventional to the glorious but rival memories of Wolfe and right, but an inherent natural right, of which no Montcalm. But this contest involves a moral Government can rightly deprive any adult man question. The slave States so present it. They who is subject to its authority, and obligated to maintain that African Slavery is not erroneous, its support. not unjust, not inconsistent with the advancing! I hold, moreover, sir, that inasmuch as every cause of human nature. Since they so regard it, man is, by force of circumstances beyond his I do not expect to see statesmen representing own control, a subject of Government somethose States indifferent about a vindication of where, he is, by the very constitution of human this system by the Congress of the United States. society, entitled to share equally in the conferOn the other hand, we of the free States regard ring of political power on those who wield it, if Slavery as erroneous, unjust, oppressive, and he is not disqualified by crime; that in a des. therefore absolutely inconsistent with the prin- potic Government he ought to be allowed arms, ciples of the American Constitution and Govern- in a free Government the ballot or the open vote, ment. Who will expect us to be indifferent to the as a means of self-protection against unenduradecisions of the American people and of mankind ble oppression. I am not likely, therefore, to on such an issue?

restore to this bill an amendment which would Again: there is suspended on the issue of this deprive it of an important feature imposed upon contest the political equilibrium between the free it by the House of Representatives, and that one, and the slave States. It is no ephemeral ques- perhaps, the only feature that harmonizes with tion, no idle question, whether Slavery shall go my own convictions of justice. It is true that the on increasing its influence over the central power House of Representatives stipulates such sufhere, or whether Freedom shall gain the ascend- frage for white men as a condition for opening it ency. I do not expect to see statesmen of the to the possible proscription and slavery of the slave States indifferent on so momentous a ques- African. I shall separate them. I shall vote for tion, and as little can it be expected that those the former, and against the latter, glad to get of the free States will betray their own great universal suffrage of white men, if only that cause. And now it remains for me to declare, can be gained now, and working right on, full in view of the decision of this controversy so of hope and confidence, for the prevention or pear at hand, that I have seen nothing and the abrogation of slavery in the Territories hereheard nothing during its progress to change the after. opinions which at the earliest proper period I Sir, I am surprised at the pertinacity with deliberately expressed. Certainly, I have not which the honorable Senator from Delaware, seen the evidence then promised, that the free mine ancient and honorable friend, (Mr. CLAY. States would acquiesce in the measure. As cer- ton,] perseveres in opposing the granting of the tainly, too, I may say that I have not seen the right of suffrage to the unnaturalized foreigner fulfilment of the promise that the history of the in the Territories. Congress cannot deny him last thirty years would be revised, corrected, and that right. Here is the third article of that conamended, and that it would then appear that the vention by which Louisiana, including Kansas country, during all that period, had been resting and Nebraska, was ceded to the United States : in prosperity and contentment and peace, not “ The inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be upon a valid, constitutional, and irrevocable incorporated in the Union of the United States, compromise between the slave States and the and admitted as soon as possible, according to free States, but upon an unconstitutional and the principles of the Federal Constitution, to the false, and even infamous, act of Congressional enjoyment of the rights, privileges, and immuniusurpation.

ties of citizens of the United States; and in the On the contrary, I am now, if possible, more mean time they shall be maintained and protectthan ever satisfied that, after all this debate, the ed in the free enjoyment of their liberty, prop. history of the country will go down to posterity erty, and the religion they profess." just as it stood before, carrying to them the ever- The inhabitants of Kansas and Nebraska are lasting facts that until 1820 the Congress of the citizens already, and by force of this treaty must United States legislated to prevent the introduc- continue to be, and as such to enjoy the right of tion of slavery into new Territories whenever suffrage, whatever laws you may make to the that object was practicable ; and that in that contrary. My opinions are well known, to wit: year they so far modified that policy, under That Slavery is not only an evil, but a local one, alarming apprehensions of civil convulsion, by a injurious and ultimately pernicious to society, constitutional enactment in the character of al wherever it exists, and in conflict with the con. stitutional principles of society in this country. gaining a foothold in Kansas. Congress only I am not willing to extend nor to permit the gives consent, but it does not and cannot introextension of that local evil into regions now duce slavery there. Slavery will be embarrassed free within our empire. I know that there are by its own overgrasping spirit. No one, I am some who differ from me, and who regard the sure, anticipates the possible re-establishment of Constitution of the United States as an instru- the African slave trade. The tide of emigration ment which sanctions Slavery as well as Freedom. to Kansas is therefore to be supplied there solely But if I could admit a proposition so incongruous by the domestic fountain of slave production. with the letter and spirit of the Federal Consti- But Slavery has also other regions besides Kantution, and the known sentiments of its illustrious sas to be filled from that fountain. There are all founders, and so should conclude that Slavery of New Mexico and all of Utah already within was national, I must still cherish the opinion the United States; and then there is Cuba, that that it is an evil; and because it is a national consumes slave labor and life as fast as any one one, I am the more firmly held and bound to of the slaveholding States can supply it; and prevent an increase of it, tending, as I think it besides these regions, there remains all of Mexmanifestly does, to the weakening and ultimate ico down to the Isthmus. The stream of slave overthrow of the Constitution itself, and there- labor flowing from so small a fountain, and fore to the injury of all mankind. I know there broken into several divergent channels, will not have been States which have endured long, and cover so great a field; and it is reasonably to be achieved much, which tolerated Slavery; but hoped that the part of it nearest to the North that was not the Slavery of caste, like African Pole will be the last to be inundated. But Afri. Slavery. Such Slavery tends to demoralize can slave emigration is to compete with free equally the subjected race and the superior one, emigration of white men, and the source of this It has been the absence of such Slavery from latter tide is as ample as the civilization of the Europe that has given her nations their supe- two entire continents. The honorable Senator riority over other countries in that hemisphere. from Delaware mentioned, as if it were a startSlavery, wherever it exists, begets fear, and fear ling fact, that twenty thousand European immi. is the parent of weakness. What is the secre grants arrived in New-York in one month. Sir, of that eternal, sleepless anxiety in the legisla- he has stated the fact with too much moderation. tive halls, and even at the firesides, of the slave On my return to the capital, a day or two ago, I States, always asking new stipulations, new com- met twelve thousand of these immigrants who promises and abrogation of compromises, new had arrived in New-York on one morning, and assumptions of power and abnegations of power, who had thronged the churches on the following but fear? It is the apprehension that, even if Sabbath, to return thanks for deliverance from safe now, they will not always or long be secure the perils of the sea, and for their arrival in the against some invasion or some aggression from land, not of Slavery, but of Liberty. I also thank the free States. What is the secret of the humil. God for their escape, and for their coming. iating part which proud old Spain is acting at They are now on their way westward, and the this day, trembling between alarms of American news of the passage of this bill, preceding them, intrusion into Cuba on one side, and British will speed many of them towards Kansas and dictation on the other, but the fact that she has Nebraska. Such arrivals are not extraordinary cherished Slavery so long, and still cherishes it, --they occur almost every week; and the immiin the last of her American colonial possessions? gration from Germany, from Great Britain, and Thus far, Kansas and Nebraska are safe, under from Norway, and from Sweden, during the Euthe laws of 1820, against the introduction of this ropean war, will rise to six or seven hundred element of national debility and decline. The thousand souls in a year. And with this tide is bill before us, as we are assured, contains a great to be mingled one rapidly swelling from Asia and principle, a glorious principle; and yet that from the islands of the South Seas. All the imprinciple, when fully ascertained, proves to be migrants, under this bill as the House of Reprenothing less than the subversion of that security, sentatives overruling you have ordered, will be not only within the Territories of Kansas and good, loyal, Liberty-loving, Slavery-fearing citiNebraska, but within all the other present and zens. Come on, then, gentlemen of the slave future new Territories of the United States. Thus States. Since there is no escaping your challenge, it is quite clear that it is not a principle alone I accept it in behalf of the cause of Freedom. that is involved, but that those who crowd this We will engage in competition for the virgin soil measure with so much zeal and earnestness must of Kansas, and God give the victory to the side expect that either Freedom or Slavery shall gain which is stronger in numbers as it is in right. something by it in those regions. The case, then, There are, however, earnest advocates of this stands thus in Kansas and Nebraska : Freedom bill, who do not expect, and who, I suppose, do may lose, but certainly can gain nothing; while not desire, that Slavery shall gain possession of Slavery inay gain, but as certainly can lose Nebraska. What do they expect to gain? The nothing.

honorable Senator from Indiana [Mr. PETTIT] So far as I am concerned, the time for looking says that by thus obliterating the Missouri Comon the dark side has passed. I feel quite sure promise restriction, they will gain a tubula rasa, that Slavery at most can get nothing more than on which the inhabitants of Kansas and Nebraska Kansas ; while Nebraska, the wider northern may write whatever they will. This is the great region, will, under existing circumstances, es- principle of the bill, as he understands it. Well, cape, for the reason that its soil and climate are what gain is there in that? · You obliterate a uncongenial with the staples of slave culture-Constitution of freedom. If they write a new rice, sugar, cotton, and tobacco. Moreover, since Constitution of Freedom, can the new be better the public attention has been so well and so than the old ? If they write a Constitution of effectually directed toward the subject, I cherish Slavery, will it not be a worse one? I ask the a hope that Slavery may be prevented even from honorable Senator that! But the honorable Scn

ator says that the people of Nebraska will have There cannot be a convocation of Abolitionists, the privilege of establishing institutions for them- however impracticable, in Faneuil Hall or the selves. They have now the privilege of estab- Tabernacle, though it consists of men and women lishing free institutions. Is it a privilege, then, who have separated themselves from all effective to establish Slavery? If so, what a mockery are political parties, and who have renounced all all our Constitutions, which prevent the inhabi- political agencies, even though they resolve that tants from capriciously subverting free institu- they will vote for nobody, not even for themtions and establishing institutions of Slavery! selves, to carry out their purposes, and though Sir, it is a sophism, a subtlety, to talk of confer- they practice on that resolution, but you take ring upon a country, already secure in the bless- alarm, and your agitation renders necessary ings of Freedom, the power of self-destruction. such compromises as those of 1820 and of 1850.

What mankind everywhere want, is not the We are young in the arts of politics; you are old. removal of the Constitutions of Freedom which we are strong; you are weak. We are, therethey have, that they may make at their pleasure fore, over-confident, careless, and indifferent; Constitutions of Slavery or of Freedom, but the you are vigilant and active. These are traits privilege of retaining Constitutions of Freedom that redound to your praise. They are mentionwhen they already have them, and the removal ed not in your disparagement. I say only that of Constitutions of Slavery when they have them, there may be an extent of intervention, of ag. that they may establish Constitutions of Freedom gression, on your side, which may induce the in their place. We hold on tenaciously to all ex- North, at some time, either in this or in some isting Constitutions of Freedom. Who denounces future generation, to adopt your tactics and any man for diligently adhereing to such Consti- follow your example. Remember now, that by tutions? Who would dare to denounce any one unanimous consent, this new law will be a refor disloyalty to our existing Constitutions, if pealable statute, exposed to all the chances of they were Constitutions of Despotism and Slave- the Missouri compromise. It stands an infinitely ry? But it is supposed by some that this principle worse chance of endurance than that comprois less important in regard Kans and Ne- mise did. braska than as a general one-a general princi- The Missouri compromise was a transaction ple applicable to all other present and future which wise, learned, patriotic statesmen agreed Territories of the United States. Do honorable to surround and fortify with the principles of a Senators then indeed suppose they are establish- compact for mutual considerations, passed and ing a principle at all? If so, I think they egre- executed, and therefore, although not irrepealgiously err, whether the principle is either good able in fact, yet irrepealable in honor and conor bad, right or wrong. They are not establish- science, and down at least until this very session ing it, and cannot establish it in this way. You of the Congress of the United States, it has had subvert one law capriciously, by making another the force and authority not merely of an act of law in its place. That is all. Will your law have Congress, but of a covenant between the free any more weight, authority, solemnity, or bind- States and the slave States, scarcely less sacred ing force on future Congresses, than the first than the Constitution itself. Now, then, who are had? You abrogate the law of your predeces- your contracting parties in the law establishing sors—others will have equal power and equal Governments in Kansas and Nebraska, and abliberty to abrogate yours. You allow no barriers rogating the Missouri compromise ? What are around the old law, to protect it from abrogation. the equivalents in this law? What has the North You erect none around your new law, to stay the given, and what has the South got back, that hand of future innovators.

makes this a contract? Who pretends that it is On what ground do you expect the new law to anything more than an ordinary act of ordinary stand ? If you are candid, you will confess that legislation ? If, then, a law which has all the you rest your assumption on the ground that the forms and solemnities recognized by common free States will never agitate repeal, but always consent as a compact, and is covered with traacquiesce. It may be that you are right. I am ditions, cannot stand amid this shuffling of the not going to predict the course of the free States. balance between the free States and the slave I claim no authority to speak for them, and still States, tell me what chances this new law that less to say what they will do. But I may ven- you are passing will have ? ture to say, that if they shall not repeal this law, You are, moreover, setting a precedent which it will not be because they are not strong enough abrogates all compromises. Four years ago, you to do it. They have power in the House of Rep- obtained the consent of a portion of the free resentatives greater than that of the slave States, States-enough to render the effort at immediate and, when they choose to exercise it, a power repeal or resistance alike impossible to what we greater even here in the Senate. The free States regard as an unconstitutional act for the surare not dull scholars, even in practical political render of fugitive slaves. That was declared, strategy. When you shall have taught them that by the common consent of the persons acting in a compromise law establishing Freedom can be the name of the two parties, the slave States and abrogated, and the Union nevertheless stand, you the free States in Congress, an irrepealable law will have let them into another secret, namely: -not even to be questioned, although it violated that a law permitting or establishing Slavery can the Constitution. In establishing this new prin. be repealed, and the Union nevertheless remain ciple, you expose that law also to the chances of firm. If you inquire why they do not stand by repeal. You not only so expose the fugitive their rights and their interests more firmly, 1 slave law, but there is no solemnity about the will tell you to the best of my ability. It is be- articles for the annexation of Texas to the cause they are conscious of their strength, and, United States, which does not hang about the therefore, unsuspecting, and slow to apprehend Missouri compromise ; and when you have danger. The reason why you prevail in so many shown that the Missouri compromise can be recontests, is because you are in perpetual fear. pealed, then the articles for the annexation of

Texas are subject to the will and pleasure and interests of empire-of such empire as the world the caprice of a temporary majority in Congress. has never before seen. The control of the naDo you, then, expect that the free States are to tional power is the control of the great Western observe compacts, and you to be at liberty to Continent; and the control of this continent is break them; that they are to submit to laws and to be in a very few years the controlling inleave them on the statute-book, however uncon- fluence in the world. Who is there, North, that stitutional and however grievous, and that you hates Slavery so much, or who, South, that hates are to rest under no such obligation? I think it emancipation so intensely, that he can attempt, is not a reasonable expectation. Say, then, who with any hope or success, to break a Union thus from the North will be bound to admit Kansas, forged and welded together? I have always when Kansas shall come in here, if she shall heard, with equal pity and disgust, threats of come as a slave State?

disunion in the free States, and similar threats in The honorable Senator from Georgia, [Mr. the slaveholding States. I know that men may TOOMBS,) and I know he is as sincere as he is rave in the heat of passion, and under great ardent, says if he shall be here when Kansas political excitement; but I know that when it comes as a free State, he will vote for her ad- comes to a question whether this Union shall mission. I doubt not that he would; but he will stand, either with Freedom or with Slavery, the not be here, for the very reason, if there be no masses will uphold it, and it will stand until other, that he would vote that way. When Ore- some inherent vice in its Constitution, not yet gon or Minnesota shall come here for admission disclosed, shall cause its dissolution. Now, en-within one year, or two years, or three years tertaining these opinions, there are for me only from this time—we shall then see what your new two alternatives, viz: either to let Slavery gain principle is worth in its obligation upon the unlimited sway, or so to exert what little power slaveholding States. No; you establish no prin- and influence I may have, as to secure, if I can, ciple, you only abrogate a principle which was the ultimate predominance of Freedom. established for your own security as well as In doing this, I do no more than those who ours; and while you think you are abnegating believe the Slave Power is rightest, wisest, and and resigning all power and all authority on this best, are doing, and will continue to do, with my subject into the hands of the people of the Ter- free consent, to establish its complete supremritories, you are only getting over a difficulty in acy. If they shall succeed, I still shall be, as I settling this question in the organization of two have been, a loyal citizen. If we succeed, I new Territories, by postponing it till they come know they will be loyal also, because it will be here to be admitted as States, slave or free. safest, wisest, and best for them to be so. The

Sir, in saying that your new principle will not question is one, not of a day, or of a year, but be established by this bill, I reason from obvious, of many years, and, for aught I know, many clear, well-settled principles of human nature. generations. Like all other great political quesSlavery and Freedom are antagonistical ele- tions, it will be attended sometimes by excitements in this country. The founders of the ment, sometimes by passion, and sometimes, Constitution framed it with a knowledge of that perhaps, even by faction; but it is sure to be antagonism, and suffered it to continue, that it settled in a constitutional way, without any viomight work out its own ends. There is a com- lent shock to society, or to any of its great intermercial antagonism, an irreconcilable one, be- (ests. It is, moreover, sure to be settled rightly; tween the systems of free labor and slave labor. because it will be settled under the benign inThey have been at war with each other ever fluences of Republicanism and Christianity, acsince the Government was established, and that cording to the principles of truth and justice, as war is to continue forever. The contest, when ascertained by human reason. In pursuing such it ripens between these two antagonistic ele- a course, it seems to me obviously as wise as it ments, is to be settled somewhere; it is to be is necessary to save all existing laws and Consettled in the seat of central power, in the Fed-stitutions which are conservative of Freedom, eral Legislature. The Constitution makes it the and to permit, as far as possible, the establishduty of the central Government to determine ment of no new ones in favor of Slavery; and questions as often as they shall arise in favor of thus to turn away the thoughts of the States one or the other party, and refers the decision which tolerate Slavery from political efforts to of them to the majority of the votes in the two perpetuate what in its nature cannot be perpetHouses of Congress. It will come back here, ual, to the more wise and benign policy of emanthen, in spite of all the efforts to escape from it. cipation.

This antagonism must end either in a separa- This, in my humble judgment, is the simple, tion of the antagonistic parties—the slavehold- easy path of duty for the American Statesman. ing States and the free States-or, secondly, in I will not contemplate that other alternative-the the complete establishment of the influence of greater ascendency of the Slave Power. I bethe slave power over the free-or else, on the lieve that if it shall ever come, the voice of Freeother hand, in the establishment of the superior dom will cease to be heard in these Halls, whatinfluence of Freedom over the interests of Sla- ever may be the evils and dangers which Slavery very. It will not be terminated by a voluntary shall produce. I say this without disrespect for secession of either party. Commercial interests Representatives of slave States, and I say it bebind the slave States and the free States together cause the rights of petition and of debate on that in links of gold that are riveted with iron, and are effectually suppressed-necessarily suppressthey cannot be broken by passion or by ambition. ed-in all the slave States, and because they are Either party will submit to the ascendency of not always held in reverence even now, in the the other, rather than yield the commercial ad-two Houses of Congress. When freedom of speech vantages of this Union. Political ties bind the on a subject of such vital interest shall have Union together-a common necessity, and not ceased to exist in Congress, then I shall expect merely a common necessity, but the common to see Slavery not only luxuriating in all new

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