TRANSACTIONS OF THE YEAR 936. ON Tuesday the 3d of Moharrem, Sheikh Muhammed Ghus came out of Guâliâr A.D.1529. with Shehâb-ed-dîn Khosrou, as intercessor for Rahîmdâd. As this man was a humble Sept. 7and saintly personage, I forgave, on his account, the offences of Rahîmdâd, and sent Sheikh Kuren and Nûr Beg to receive the surrender of Guâliâr. CONCLUDING SUPPLEMENT TO BABER'S MEMOIRS. Sept. 7th, FROM the first days of the year 936 of the Hejira, Baber's Journal ceases, and no fragA. D. 1529. ments have been found of any later date. Whether he composed Memoirs, or wrote any journal of the remaining fifteen months of his life, is uncertain. The state of his health, which was rapidly declining and much broken, probably diminished his usual activity. The silence that prevails among historians, regarding the remaining events of his reign, may justify a belief, that no Journal was written, or at least none published. In the course of the year 936, Hûmâiûn, who appears to have been anxious to be near the seat of empire, probably from being aware of his father's declining health, suddenly left his government of Badakhshân, which he intrusted to the care of Sultan Weis, and set out for Hindustân by way of Kâbul. At Kâbul, he had a conference with his brother, Kâmrân Mirza, who had just arrived from Kandahâr, after which he proceeded on towards Agra. Humaiûn leaves Ba gakhshan, which is Said Khan. He had scarcely left Badakhshân, when Saîd Khan of Kâshghar, who is said to have attacked by been invited by Sultan Weis and the other Amîrs that were in the country, leaving Reshid Khan in Yârkend, marched into Badakhshân. Hindâl Mirza, on hearing of his approach, threw himself into the fort of Zefer, in which he defended himself for three months with so much vigour, that Said Khan was compelled to raise the siege. Baber's anxiety. In the meanwhile a report reached Baber, that Said Khan had gained possession of all Badakhshân. The unwelcome intelligence that daily arrived from that quarter preyed upon his mind, and helped to impair his declining strength. He sent instructions to Khalifeh to set out in order to recover Badakhshân; but that nobleman, who was Baber's prime minister, knowing probably that the orders were dictated by Hûmâiûn's mother, who had a great ascendency over Baber, and who wished to remove from court a powerful enemy of her son, found means to excuse himself. Similar orders were then sent to Hûmâiûn, whose government Badakhshân was, but that Badakh prince also declined engaging in the expedition, under the pretence that his affection for his father would not permit him to remove so far from the presence. Mirza Sulemân, the son-in-law of Sultan Weis, was then dispatched, with instructions to assume Mirza Sulethe government of the country; and was at the same time furnished with letters for man sent to Said Khan, complaining of his aggression. Before reaching Kâbul, Sulemân heard of shân. Said's retreat; he, however, prosecuted his journey, and received charge of the country from Hindâl, who set out for Hindustân; and the civil wars that followed the death of Baber enabled Sulemân' to keep possession of Badakhshân, which was long held by his posterity. Hûmâiûn reached Agra neither sent for nor expected, but the affection of his father, Illness of and the influence of his mother, procured him a good reception. His offence was for- Hûmâiûn. gotten, and, after remaining some time at court, he went to his government of Sambal. When he had resided there about six months, he fell dangerously ill. His father, whose favourite son he seems to have been, was deeply affected at this news, and gave directions for conveying him by water to Agra. He arrived there, but his life was despaired of. When all hopes from medicine were over, and while several men of skill were talking to the emperor of the melancholy situation of his son, Abul Baka, a personage highly venerated for his knowledge and piety, remarked to Baber, that in such a case the Almighty had sometimes vouchsafed to receive the most valuable thing possessed by one friend, as an offering in exchange for the life of another. Baber exclaiming, that of all things, his life was dearest to Hûmâiûn, as Hûmâiûn's was to him, and Baber dethat, next to the life of Hûmâiûn, his own was what he most valued, devoted his life votes his own life for to Heaven as a sacrifice for his son's. The noblemen around him entreated him to re- his son's. tract the rash vow, and, in place of his first offering, to give the diamond taken at Agra, and reckoned the most valuable on earth: that the ancient sages had said, that it was the dearest of our worldly possessions alone that was to be offered to Heaven. But he persisted in his resolution, declaring that no stone, of whatever value, could be put in competition with his life. He three times walked round the dying prince, a solemnity similar to that used in sacrifices and heave-offerings, and retiring, prayed earnestly to God. After some time he was heard to exclaim, "I have borne it away! I have borne it away!" The Musulman historians assure us, that Hûmâiûn almost immediately began to recover, and that, in proportion as he recovered, the health and strength of Baber visibly decayed. Baber communicated his dying instructions to Khwâjeh Kha- Illness of lifeh, Kamber Ali Beg, Terdi Beg, and Hindu Beg, who were then at Court, commending Hûmâiûn to their protection. With that unvarying affection for his family, which he showed in all the circumstances of his life, he strongly besought Hûmâiûn to be kind and forgiving to his brothers. Hûmâiûn promised, and, what in such circum- stances is rare, kept his promise. The request which he had made to his nobles was heard, as the requests of dying princes generally are, only as a signal for faction. Intrigues at 1 See Abulfazl in the Akbernâmeh, the Târikhe Khâfi Khan, Ferishta, &c. 2 It is customary among the Musulmans, as it was among the Jews, to waive presents of money or jewels thrice round the head of the person to whom they are offered, on particular occasions, as on betrothings, marriages, &c. There is supposed to be something sacred in this rite, which averts misfor tunes. Baber. his Court. Mehdi Khwâjeh Khalifeh had conceived a strong dislike to Hûmâiûn, in consequence of some circumstances which are not explained, so that the court of the expiring conqueror became the scene of intrigue and cabal. Khalîfeh, as prime minister,' possessed the chief authority among the Tûrki nobles. He did not wish that the succession should be in the children of Baber, and had pitched on Mehdi Khwâjeh, Baber's son-in-law, as his successor. Mehdi Khwâjeh was a brave, but extravagant, and wild young man, and had long been closely connected with Khalifeh. When it was known that Khalîfeh was in his interest, and intended to raise him to the throne, the principal men in the army lost no time in paying their court to Mehdi Khwâjeh, whose succession was regarded as secure, and who began to affect the deportment of a sovereign prince. Everything seemed to promise that he was to be the Emperor of Hindustân, when suddenly, he was ordered by Khalîfeh to remain in his own house under a guard. Anecdote of The cause of this sudden change has escaped the researches of Abulfazl and Khâfi Khwajeh. Khan. It is explained, however, by a well-informed historian, who relates the anecdote on the authority of his father:-" It so happened," says he," that Mîr Khalifeh had gone to see Mehdi Khwâjeh, whom he had found in his tent. Nobody was present but Khalîfeh, Mehdi Khwâjeh, and my father Muhammed Mokîm. Khalifeh had scarcely sat down an instant, when Baber, who was at the last extremity, suddenly sent for him. When he left the tent, Mehdi Khwâjeh accompanied him to the door, to do him honour, and to take leave of him, and stood in the middle of it, so that my father, who followed, but, out of respect, did not push by him, was immediately behind. The young man, who was rather flighty and harum-scarum, forgetting that my father was present, as soon as Khalifeh was fairly gone, muttered to himself, ' God willing, I will soon flay off your hide, old boy!' and, turning round, at the same instant saw my father. He was quite confounded, but immediately seizing my father's ear, with a convulsive eagerness, twisted it round, and said hurriedly, You, Tâjîk! The red tongue often gives the green head to the winds.' My father having taken his leave and left the tent, sought out Khalîfeh, and remonstrated with him on his line of conduct; telling him, that in violation of his allegiance, he was taking away the sovereignty from Muhammed Hûmâiûn and his brothers, who were accomplished princes, to bestow it on the son of a stranger; and yet how did this favoured man behave? He then repeated what had passed just as it happened. Khalîfeh, on the spot, sent off an express for Hûmâiûn, and dispatched a body of Yesâwels, or special messengers, to Mehdi Khwâjeh to inform him that the king's orders were, that he should instantly retire to his own house. The young man had now sat down to dinner, which was still before him. The Yesâwels communicated their message, and forced him away. Mir Khalifeh then issued a proclamation, prohibiting all persons from resorting to Mehdi Khwajeh's house, or waiting upon him; while Mehdi Khwâjeh himself received orders not to appear at Court."2 Baber, in the midst of these intrigues, with which he was probably unacquainted, 1 His title was Nizâm-ed-dîn Ali Khalifeh. • For the fragment of the anonymous history from whence this extract is made, and which contains the Memoirs of Hindustan, from Baber's invasion of that country down to the beginning of Akber's reign, I am indebted to Captain William Miles of the Bombay establishment. The author calls his father Muhammed Mokim Hervi (of Herat). His own name I have not been able to learn. successful inroads than skilful campaigns. But he showed a genius and a power of observation which, in other circumstances, would have raised him to the rank of the most accomplished commanders. As he had the sense to perceive the errors which he committed in his earlier years, so, with the superiority that belongs to a great mind, conscious of its powers, he always readily acknowledges them. His conduct, during the rebellion of the Moghuls at Kâbul, and the alarm of his army in the war with Rana Sanka, bears the indications of the most heroic magnanimity. The latter period of his life is one uninterrupted series of success. But we are not to expect in Baber that perfect and refined character which belongs only to modern times and Christian countries. We sometimes see him order what, according to the practice of modern war, and the maxims of a refined morality, we should consider as cruel executions. We find him occasionally the slave of vices, which, even though they belonged to his age and country, it is not possible to regard in such a man without feelings of regret. We are disappointed to find one possessed of so refined an understanding, and so polished a taste, degrading both, by an obtrusive and almost ridiculous display of his propensity to intoxication. It may palliate, though it cannot excuse this offence, that it appears to have led him to no cruelty or harshness to his servants or those around him, that it made him neglect no business, and that it seems to have been produced solely by the ebullition of high spirits in his gay and social temper. We turn from Baber, the slave of such vices, which probably hastened on a premature old age, and tended to bring him to an early grave, and view him with more complacency, encouraging, in his dominions, the useful arts and polite literature, by his countenance and his example. We delight to see him describe his success in rearing a new plant, in introducing a new fruit-tree, or in repairing a decayed aqueduct, with the same pride and complacency that he relates his most splendid victories. No region of art or nature seems to have escaped the activity of his research. He had cultivated the art of poetry from his early years, and his Diwân, or collection of Turki poems, is mentioned as giving him a high rank among the poets of his country. Of this work I have not been able to learn that any copy exists. Many of the odes in it are referred to in his Memoirs, and quoted by the first couplet. A few specimens of his Persian poetry are also given, which show much of that terseness and delicacy of allusion so much admired in the poets whom he imitated. His Persian Mesnevi, which he published by the name of Mabeiin, I have never met with, though Abulfazl speaks of it as having a great circulation; nor have I seen his versification of the tract of Khwâjeh Ehrar, which has been already mentioned.' He also wrote a work on Pro 1 Abulfazl, in the introduction to the Akbernameh, quotes a few of his Persian verses with approbation. The following quatrain is not unhappy in the original : Though I am not related to Dervishes, Yet I am devoted to them heart and soul. Say not that the state of a prince is remote from that of a Dervish, He also gives the following elegant Matlaa I know that separation from thee were my death, Else might I tear myself from this city. But, while my heart is encircled with the locks of my beloved, I forget the world and its cares. |
