taken from the party to whom it was granted, nor might it in all cases be entitled to respect, as it might be counterfeited, transferred or granted to improper persons. But this rule is liable to other and much stronger objections. On what principle does the British government claim of the United States so great and shameful a degradation ? Ought the free citizens of an independent power to carry with them on the main ocean, and in their own vessels, the evidence of their freedom? and are all to be considered British subjects and liable to impressment who do not bear with them that badge? Is it not more consistent with every idea, both of publick as well as of private right, that the party setting up a claim to any interest, whether it be to persons or property, should prove his right? What would be the conduct of Great Britain under similar circumstances? Would she permit the publick ships of any other power, disregarding the rights of her flag, to enter on board her merchant vessels, take from them such part of their crews as the boarding officers thought fit, often her own subjects, exposing, by means thereof, their vessels to destruction? Would she suffer such an usurpation to derive any sanction from her patient forbearance ?

With the British claim to impress British seamen, the United States have no right to interfere, provided it be in British vessels or in any other than those of the United States. That American citizens should be exempted from its operation is all that they demand. Experience has shown that this cannot be secured otherwise than by the vessel in which they sail. Take from American citizens this barrier, which ought to be held sacred, and there is nothing to protect them against the rapacious grasp of the British navy. This then is the extent of the demand of the United States; a demand so just in itself, so consistent and inseparable from their rights as an independent nation, that it has been a cause of astonishment that it should ever have been called in question. The foundation of the British claim is, that British seamen find employment in the service of the United States: this is represented as an evil affecting essentially the great interests of the British nation.

This complaint would have more weight, if sanctioned by the British example. It is known, on the contrary, that it is in direct repugnance to it. Great Britain does not scruple to receive into her service all who enter into it voluntarily. If she confined herself within that limit, the present controversy would not exist. Heretofore the subjects of even the most despotick powers have been left at liberty to pursue their own happiness, by honest industry, wherever their inclination led them. The British government refuses to its seamen that privilege. Let not this, then, be a ground of controversy with Great Britain. Let it be distinctly understood, that in case an arrangement should be made between the two nations, whereby each should exclude from its service the citizens and subjects of the other, on the conditions and principles above stated, that this house will be prepared so far as depends on it, to give it effect, and for that purpose to enact laws with such regulations and penalties as will be adequate. With this pledge, it is not perceived on what ground the British government can persist in its claim. If British seamen are excluded from the service of the United States, as may be effectually done, the foundation of the claim must cease. When it is known that not one British seaman could be found on board American vessels, it would be absurd to urge that fact as a motive for impressment.

In declaring a willingness to give effect to the proposed arrangement, your committee consider it equally the duty of the house to declare, in terms the most decisive, that should the British government still decline it, and persevere in the practice of impressment from American vessels, the United States will never acquiesce in that praetice, but will resist it unceasingly with all their force. It is not necessary now to inquire what the course would have been with respect to impressment, in case the orders in council had been repealed before the declaration of war, or how long the practice of impressment would have been borne, in the hope that that repeal would have been followed by a satisfactory arrangement with respect to impressment.

War having been declared, and the case of impressment being necessarily included as one of the most important causes, it is evident that it must be provided for in the pacification: the omission of it in a treaty of peace would not leave it on its former ground: it would, in effect, be an absolute relinquishment; an idea, at which the feelings of every American must revolt. The seamen of the United States have a claim on their country for protection, and they must be protected. If a single ship is taken at sea, and the property of an American citizen wrested from him unjustly, it rouses the indignation of the country. How much more deeply then ought we to be excited, when we behold so many of this gallant and highly meritorious class of our fellow citizens snatched from the bosom of their families and of their country, and carried into a cruel and afflicting bondage. It is an evil which ought not, which cannot be longer tolerated. Without dwelling on the sufferings of the victims, or on that wide scene of distress which it spreads among their relatives through the country, the practice in itself is, in the highest degree, degrading to the United States as a nation. It is incompatible with their sovereignty. It is subversive of the main pillars of their independence. The forbearance of the United States under it has been mistaken for pusillanimity.

The British pretension was maturing fast into a right. Had resistance been longer delayed, it might have become one. Every administration remonstrated against it, in a tone which bespoke the growing indignation of the country. Their remonstrances produced no effect. It was worthy the illustrious leader of our armies, when called by the voice of his country to the head of the government, to pause, rather than to recommend to his fellow citizens a new war, before they had recovered from the calamities of the late one. It was worthy his immediate successors to follow his example.

In peace our free system of government would gain strength, and our happy union become consolidated: but, at the last session, the period had arrived when forbear

ance could be no longer justified. It was the duty of Congress to take up this subject in connection with the other great wrongs of which they complained, and to seek redress in the only mode which became the representatives of a free people. They have done so by appealing to arms, and that appeal will be supported by their constituents.

Your committee are aware that an interesting crisis has arrived in the United States; but they have no painful apprehension of its consequences. The course before them is direct. It is pointed out equally by a regard to the honour, the rights, and the interests of the nation. If we pursue it with firmness and vigour, relying on the aid of heaven, our success is inevitable.

Our resources are abundant; the people are brave and virtuous, and their spirit unbroken. The gallantry of our infant navy bespeaks our growing greatness on that element; and that of our troops, when led to action, inspires full confidence of what may be expected from them when their organization is complete. Our union is always most strong when menaced by foreign dangers; the people of America are never so much one family, as when their liberties are invaded,

MESSAGE

FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, TO CONGRESS. FEB. 24, 1813.

I LAY before congress copies of a proclamation of the British lieutenant governour of the Island of Bermuda, which has appeared under circumstances leaving no doubt of its authenticity. It recites a British order in council of the 26th of October last, providing for the supply of the British West Indies and other colonial possessions, by a trade under special licenses; and is accompanied by a circular instruction to the colonial governours, which confines

licensed importations from ports of the United States, to the ports of the eastern states exclusively.

The government of Great Britain had already introduced into her commerce during war, a system, which, at once violating the rights of other nations, and resting on a mass of forgery and perjury unknown to other times, was making an unfortunate progress in undermining those principles of morality and religion, which are the best foundation of national happiness.

The policy now proclaimed to the world, introduces into her modes of warfare, a system equally distinguished by the deformity of its features, and the depravity of its character; having for its object to dissolve the ties of allegiance and the sentiments of loyalty in the adversary nation, and to seduce and separate its component parts, the one from the other.

The general tendency of these demoralizing and disorganizing contrivances, will be reprobated by the civilized and christian world; and the insulting attempt on the virtue, the honour, the patriotism, and the fidelity of our brethren of the eastern states, will not fail to call forth all their indignation and resentment; and to attach more and more all the states to that happy union and constitution, against which such insidious and malignant artifices are directed,

The better to guard, nevertheless, against the effect of individual cupidity and treachery, and to turn the corrupt projects of the enemy against himself, I recommend to the consideration of Congress the expediency of an effectual prohibition of any trade whatever, by citizens or inhabitants of the United States, under special licenses, whether relating to persons or ports; and in aid thereof a prohibition of all exportations from the United States in foreign bottoms, few of which are actually employed; whilst multiplying counterfeits of their flags and papers are covering and encouraging the navigation of the enemy.

JAMES MADISON.