America in the room of Sir Henry Clinton. Two days after his arri val, he wrote a letter to General Washington, acquainting him, that Admiral Digby was joined with himself in a commiffion to treat for peace with the people of America; tranfmitting to him, at the fame time, fome papers tending to manifeft the pacific difpofition of the government and people of Britain towards those of America. He alfo defired a paffport for Mr. Morgan, who was appointed to tranfmit a fimilar letter of compliment to the congrefs. General Washington declined figning any paffport till he had taken the opinion of congrefs upon that measure; and by them he was directed to refuse any passport for fuch a purpofe. However, another letter was fent to General Washington, dated the 2d of Auguft, and figned by Sir Guy Carleton and Rear Admiral Digby, in which they informed him, that they were acquainted by authority that negociations for a general peace had al ready commenced at Paris; that Mr. Grenville was invefted with full powers to treat with all the parties at war; and was then at Paris in the execution of his commiffion. They farther informed him, that his Majefty, in order to remove all obstacles to that peace which he fo ar dently wished to restore, had commanded his minifters to direct Mr. Grenville, that the independency of the thirteen provinces fhould be propofed by him, in the first inftance, inftead of making it the condi tion of a general treaty. But fome jealoufies were entertained by the Americans, that it was the defign of the British court either to dif unite them, or to bring them to treat of a peace feparately from their ally the king of France: they therefore refolved, that any man, or body of men, who fhould prefume to make any feparate or partial convention or agreement with the king of Great Britain, or with any commiffioner or commiffioners under the crown of Great Britain, ought to be confidered and treated as open and avowed enemies of the United State of America; and also that those states could not with pro priety hold any conference or treaty with any commiffioners on the part of Great Britain, unless they fhould, as a preliminary thereto, either withdraw their fleets and armies, or elfe, in pofitive or exprefs terms, acknowledge the independence of the faid ftates. They like wife refolved, that any propofitions which might be made by the court of Great Britain, in any manner tending to violate the treaty fubfifting between them and the king of France, ought to be treated with every mark of indignity and contempt.

On the 30th of November, 1782, the provifional articles of peace and reconciliation between Great Britain and the American States, were figned at Paris; by which Great Britain acknowledged the in

dependence

dependence and fovereignty of the United States of America. Thefe articles were ratified by a definitive treaty, September 3d, 1783This peace was negociated on the part of Great Britain by Mr. Ofwald, and the definitive treaty was figned by Mr. Hartley; and on the part of the United States by John Adams, John Jay, and Benjamin Franklin, Efquires*,

Thus ended a long and arduous conflict, in which Great Britain expended near an hundred millions of money, with an hundred thousand lives, and won nothing. America endured every cruelty and distress from her enemies; loft many lives and much treasure; but delivered berfelf from a foreign domínion, and gained a rank among the nations of the earth.

Holland acknowledged the independence of the United States on the 19th of April, 1782; Sweden, February 5th, 1783; Denmark, the 25th of February; Spain, in March, and Ruffia, in July 1783.

No fooner was peace reftored by the difinitive treaty, and the British troops withdrawn from the country, than the United States began to experience the defects of their general government. While an ene my was in the country, fear, which had first impelled the colonies to affociate in mutual defence, continued to operate as a band of political union. It gave to the refolutions and recommendations of Congrefs the force of laws, and generally commanded a ready acquiefcence on the part of the State legiflatures. Articles of confederation and perpetual union had been framed in Congrefs, and submitted to the confideration of the States, in the year 1778. Some of the States immediately acceded to them; but others, which had not unappropriated lands, hefi tated to fubfcribe a compact, which would give an advantage to the States which poffeffed large tracts of unlocated lands, and were thus ca◄ pable of a great fuperiority in wealth and population. All objections, however, had been overcome, and by the acceffion of Maryland, in March 1781, the articles of confederation were ratified, as the frame of government for the United States.

"

These articles, however, were framed during the rage of war, when a principle of common fafety fupplied the place of a coercive power in government, by men who could have had no experience in the art of governing an extenfive country, and under circumftances the most critiçal and embarraffing. To have offered to the people, at that time, a fyftem of government armed with the powers neceffary to regulate and control the contending interefts of Thirteen States, and the poffeffions of

This Treaty, with other Papers, will be found in the Appendix to the Fourth Volume of this work.

millions

millions of people, might have raised a jealoufy between the States or in the minds of the people at large, that would have weakened the operations of the war, and perhaps have rendered an union impractica bic.ne the numerous defects of the confederation.

On the conclufion of peace, thefe defects began to be felt. Each ftate afumed the right of difputing the propriety of the refolations of Congrefs, and the intereft of an individual State was placed in oppofi tion to the common inte.eft of the union. In addition to this fource of divifion, a jealoufy of the powers of Congrefs began to be excited in the minds of the people.

This jealousy of the privileges of freemen had been roused by the oppreffive acts of the British parliament: and no fooner had the danger from this quarter ceafed, than the fears of people changed their object, and were turned against their own rulers.

In this tuation, there were not wanting men of industry and talents, who had been enemies to the revolution, and who embraced the opportunity to multiply the apprehenfions of the people, and increase the popular difcontents. A remarkable inftance of this happenedin Connecticut. As foon as the tumults of war had subsided, an attempt was made to convince the people, that the act of Congrefs paffed in 1778, grant. ing to the officers of the army half-pay for life, was highly unjust and tyrannical; and that it was but the first flep towards the establishment of penfions, and an uncontroulable defpotifin. The act of Congress, pailed in 1783, commuting half-pay for life, for five years full pay, was defigned to appease the apprehenfions of the people, and to convince them that this gratuity was intended merely to indemnify the officers for their loffes by the depreciating of the paper currency, and not to eftablish a precedent for the granting of penfions. This act, however, did not fatisfy the people, who fuppofed that the officers had been generally indemnified for the lofs of their pay by the grants made them from time to time by the legislatures of the feveral States. Befides, the act, while it gave five years full pay to the officers, allowed but one year's pay to the privates; a distinction which had great influence in exciting and continuing the popular ferment, and one that turned a large share of the public rage against the officers themselves.

The moment an alarm was raised respecting this act of Congress, the enemies of their independence became active in blowing up the flame, by fpreading reports unfavourable to the general government, and tending to create public diffenfions. Newspapers, in fome parts of the country, were filled with inflammatory publications; while falfe reports, and groundlefs infinuations were induftriously circulated to the

prejudice

prejudice of Congrefs, and the officers of the late army. Among a peo ple feelingly alive to every thing that could affect the rights for which they had been contending, these reports could not fail of having a powerful effect; the clamour foon became general; the officers of the army, it was believed, had attempted to raise their fortunes on the distresses of their fellow-citizens, and Congrefs become the tyrants of their country.

Connecticut was the feat of this uneafinefs; although other States were much agitated on the occafion. But the inhabitants of that State accustomed to order, and a due fubordination to the laws, did not proceed to outrages; they took their usual mode of collecting the sense of the State-affembled in town meetings-appointed committees to meet in convention, and confult what measures fhould be adopted to procure a redress of their grievances. In this convention, which was held at Middletown, fome nugatory refolves were paffed, expreffing the disapprobation of the half-pay act, and the fubfequent commutation of the grant for five years whole pay. The fame spirit also discovered itself in the affembly at their October feffion, 1783. A remenftrance against the acts in favour of the officers was framed in the House of Representatives, and notwithstanding the Upper House refused to concur in the measure, it was fent to Congrefs.

During this fituation of affairs, the public odium against the officers was augmented by another circumftance. The officers, juft before the difbanding of the army, as has already been noticed, had formed a fociety, called by the name of the Cincinnati.

Whatever were the real views of the framers of this inftitution its defign was generally understood to be harmlefs and honourable. The oftenfible views of the fociety could not however screen it from popular jealously.

Notwithstanding the difcontents of the people were general, and ready to burst forth in fedition, yet men of information, viz. the officers of government, the clergy, and perfons of liberal education, were mostly oppofed to the unconftitutional fteps taken by the committees and convention at Middletown. They fupported the propriety of the measures of Congress, both by converfation and writing, proved that fuch grants to the army were neceffary to keep the troops together, and that the expence would not be enormous nor oppreffive. During the clofe of the year 1783, every poffible exertion was made to enlighten the people, and fuch was the effect of the arguments used by the minority, that in the beginning of the following year, the oppofition fubfided, the committees were difmiffed, and tranquillity restored

to

to the State. In May, the legislature were able to carry feveral mea fures which had before been extremely unpopular. An act was paled granting the impoft of five per cent. to Congrefs; another giving great encouragement to commerce; and feveral towns were incorporated with extenfive privileges, for the purpose of regulating the exports of the State, and facilitating the collection of debts.

The oppofition to the congreffional acts in favour of the officers, and to the order of the Cincinnati, did not rife to the fame pitch in the other States as in Connecticut; yet it produced much disturbance in Maffachusetts, and fome others. Jealoufy of power had been univer fally fpread among the people of the United States. The deftruction of the old forms of governments, and the licentiousness of war, had, in a great measure, broken their habits of obedience; their paffions had been inflamed by the cry of defpotifm; and like centinels, who have been fuddenly surprised by the approach of an enemy, the ruling of a leaf was fufficient to give them an alarm. This fpirit of jealousy operated with other caufes to relax the energy of federal operations.

During the war, vaft fums of paper currency had been emitted by Congrefs, and large quantities of fpecie had been introduced, towards the clofe of the war, by the French army, and the Spanish trade, This plenty of money enabled the States to comply with the firft re quifitions of Congrefs; fo that during two or three years, the federal treasury was, in fome measure, fupplied. But when the danger war had ceafed, and the vast importations of foreign goods had leffened the quantity of circulating fpecie, the States began to be very remifs in furnishing their proportion of monies. The annihilation of the credit of the paper bills had totally stopped their circulation, and the fpecie was leaving the country in cargoes for remittances to Great Britain; ftill the luxurious habits of the people, contracted during the war, called for new, fupplies of goods, and private gratification feconded the narrow policy of state interest in defeating the operations of the gene ral government.

Thus the revenues of Congrefs were annually diminishing; fome of the States wholly neglecting to make provifion for paying the intereft of the national debt; others making but a partial provifion, until the fcanty fupplies received from a few of the richeft States, would hardly fatisfy the demands of the civil lift.

This weakness of the federal government, in conjunction with the flood of certificates or public fecurities, which Congrefs could neither fund nor pay, occafioned them to depreciate to a very inconfiderable value. The officers and foldiers of the late army, and thofe who fur