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cended the scaffold with a determined, Straf- | or more full of minor detail than the period fordish, or Charles the First sort of feeling, during which I hung thus. The most trionly to meet the yells and execrations of the fling events stood out sharp and defined. assembled thousands below, and especially More than twice or thrice did I mark a man of my friends and relatives, who had en- at my feet pull out his watch, and note the gaged the windows in the Old Bailey, di- minutes as they passed to the time when I rectly opposite, amongst whom, above all was to be cut down. At length, five minvociferous, was one lady cousin, who was utes to nine arrived, when I could see imbeholden to me for long years of kind offices. mediately below me the executioner enter

The night-cap was pulled over my face; the dark chamber formed by the scaffold, but I managed, manacled though I was, to and with long slow passes proceed to sharpen keep a small aperture to see through, not a huge knife on the flag-stones of the pavestraight forward, but in the direction of my ment. This operation occupied the remainfeet, as we do at the game of “Blind Man.” ing five minutes, when it was over, he as-. The cord was adjusted, the drop fell, and I cended the scaffold, and taking hold of the swung. I felt, however, no decided pain, rope just above my head, began to saw at merely a sort of numbed, quiet sensation, it with his knife. This action occasioned not in the least disagreeable. I could just the first pain I experienced during the ensee out of the aperture in the cap the as- tire operation, or—more correctly speaking sembled multitude below; but a singular -execution. The action of the knife seemed phenomenon presented itself; instead of re- to thrill and grate through every nerve and maining in one place, people, houses, and fibre of my body. He cut through one all, slowly but steadily moved round me, strand of the rope, and a jerk shook my when at the end of one revolution they whole frame; in a moment more, another stopped a moment, and turned once round strand went, and again the painful jerk was in the opposite direction. Thus did they repeated ; again, the executioner sawed continue passing and repassing before my away, the third strand went, and I was preeyes, like a moving panorama, till a few cipitated on the stones beneath. At this minutes' consideration, assured me that the juncture, I awoke, and found that the rope phenomenon was nothing more than the ef- by which my hammock was suspended had fect of my own gyrations on the rope by given way, and I was rolling on the floor. which I was suspended.

T. H. No part of the dream was more distinct,

RECOVERY OF THE JOURNAL OF ADOLPHE | thirty-five pages of closely written notes, accomSchlagINTWEIT. - Sir Roderick Murchison panied by what is confidently asserted to be the writes to the Times that Lord William Hay, now poor fellow's skull. The last entry in the jouremployed as Civil Commissioner in Cashmere, nal is dated the 11th of August (1856), á for who has been indefatigable in his endeavors to days before he was beheaded.” The surviving throw light upon the fate of Adolphe Schlagint- brothers will thus be enabled to enrich their work, weit, the Himalayan explorer, has at length suc- now in the course of publication, by descriptions ceeded in possessing himself of the journal of of a region never visited in modern times by any that most adventurous explorer. Quitting his other scientific traveller. -Examiner. brothers Hermann and Robert, who traversed the Karakorum and Kuenlun chains to Eltchi, near Yarkand, Adolphe, pursuing his travels on a more western meridian, succeeded in passing A PARAGRAPH is going the round of the considerably further northward than his broth- French papers announcing that a Chinese spec ers, when he was beheaded by a robber chief in ulator has arrived in our allies' country, with the front of Kashgar, and on his road to Kokand. naturalization and multiplication of fish as his Lord William Hay, in a letter dated the 8th of mission. He is said not merely to have imSeptember, writes to his brother Lord Gifford : ported many new species, which are to prove of “You will be glad to hear, and please communi- great value to European bills of fare, du: he cate the intelligence to friends and those who are professes also to introduce new methods of interested, that I have succeeded in recovering, breeding and feeding of the most extreme simand have now in my possession, Adolphe Schla- plicity, which will place a plenteous supply of gintweit's journal, containing one hundred and ( fish within the reach of the poor.

From The London Review, 16 Nov. quick succession, forming the village, the WHAT CAN THE SOUTH GAIN.

town, the magnificent city, the abodes of inPOLICY belongs essentially to the domain dustrious, skilful, intelligent, learned, scienof reason. It is based on foresight. It looks tific men, laboring on farms or in workshops, calmly on the impulses and passions of the worshipping in temples, and studying in colmultitude, and excites or controls them for leges,--are now red with the blood of the its purposes. It directs the energies of people, and flare defiantly to heaven with the nations to the promotion of their own, and conflagration of their sacked and destroyed of the general welfare. Not from passion homes. Till secession was declared there but from policy the leaders of the South re- was peace, with rapid progress in the Union ; solved on secession, and Mr. Jefferson Da- now there is, chiefly in the South, destrucvis, in his message to the Confederate Con- tive war. So far, it must be admitted, segress on April 18th, explained elaborately cession, as a policy, is a grievous failure. It the reasons on which he and his colleagues has brought on the South, as on the North, acted. The objects aimed at were the good great calamities. of the Southern people. They desired above In a military sense, the South has the adall things, “ peace,” and “to be let alone.” vantage. It may fiud some consolation for It is rational, therefore, now to inquire, what the calamities of war in its successes. It they have gained and what they can gain by may balance the glory of victory against the the secession which Mr. Davis and his asso- annihilation of trade. It may ultimately ciates initiated, and by the separate Confed- compel the North, when weary and worn out eration they have undertaken to form and by vain efforts at conquest, to acknowledge govern.

its independence. Let us imagine this acPolicy necessarily takes into consideration complished, and let us endevaor to realize, the probable actions of opponents, as well as as far as our limited faculties will admit, of friends and allies. From the absolute re- what will then actually be the position of the fusal of Mr. Lincoln to acknowledge the Confederation and its gains by having conself-declared secession of the South, and to quered “independence.” receive its negotiators as representing an in- Whatever may ultimately be the case, in dependent State, it was from the first evident the first instance the success of the South that war was inevitable. His policy in re- would probably compel the States of the fusing to acknowledge secession, is warmly North to remain united and form a more and passionately supported by a large ma- compact, homogeneous, and firm union. jority of the population of the Union; and They would have in the South an embittered, as the policy of Mr. Davis was in like man- and in comparison with them, a powerful ner warmly and passionately supported by State, against which they must be on their the population of the South, the overt act of guard. Great Britain, in possession of Canthe secessionists, cannot be denied, was ada on the North, would be likely, with the the first cause of this deplorable and inevita- Confederation on the South, to compress ble war. Instead, therefore, of the “peace” them into continual and firm union. We which the South desires, it is exposed to the are disposed to believe, from the spirit of libhorrors of war. Instead of being "let alone' erty prevalent in the North, and various its ports are blockaded, its trade is entirely other circumstances not at present enumerextinguished, its armies and the armies of ated, that it will not readily fall into anarthe North are almost daily engaged in deadly chy, nor under despotism, but will, in a short conflicts. The fields, where for nearly seventy time after the restoration of peace, again beyears no sound has been heard but that of come, as it has now been for a long period, the clearing axe and the cotton hoe, the the refuge and home of the poor, the disconcrash of falling trees and of the building tented, the skilful, and enterprising people hammer, the clatter of hoofs on the newly of Europe. Supposing this to be the result, made road, and, progressively, the rushing the new Confederation will have in the Northof the locomotive and the screech of the en- ern States, instead of fellow-unionists, mugineer's whistle ; where no sight has been tual parties to a compact which bound both seen but acre after acre reclaimed from the to a mutual deference, and made one responwilderness, and home after home rising in sible, in degree, for the welfare of the other, -a community of free white men, all ani- | of its former colleages, the means of recor. mated by a hatred of slavery,-all completely ering its profitable monopoly. distinct from the black men who fill the South, Secession implies boundaries between the —and all bound by one of the strongest sen- new Confederation and the old Federal timents of human nature,—to prevent the ex- Union. It will imply, too, custom-houses tension of this slave and black community on these boundaries, different, if not hostile over any part of the earth. Hitherto the tariffs, different revenue laws, and a great free North has increased faster than the Con- diminution, if not complete interruption to federate South in wealth, population, and the perfectly free internal traffic which has power, and for the future is likely to increase contributed to the progress of the South as still faster. The Confederation, then, will, well as the North, and been one of the most through the success of secession, create a important advantages of the Union. The predominant antagonistic power, no longer South will have stronger motives than ever restrained by union from carrying into effect for securing its slaves against the contamthe resolution, we may say, of all civilized ination of freedom. It will no longer have society, to extirpate negro slavery from its the help of a fugitive slave law, and must wide domain.

guard every point of its land frontier with Separated from the North, the Confeder- as much jealousy against the inroads of ation will be an insignificant State. Some freedom as South Carolina guards Charlesof its leaders, and some politicians in Europe, ton harbor. The shipping of the North may have flattered it by visions of a great South- not be employed quite so exclusively as at ern empire, but the powerful North, from present in carrying away the produce of the the instant of separation, will become the South, but for over-sea carriage it will still determined opponent to the formation of have to confide in others. It cannot be the such an empire. Spain, aided by Europe, carrier of its own slave-grown products; the and ceasing to be opposed by the North on natural and indestructible freedom of rorbehalf of the South, would prevent Cuba ing sailors forbids it. If it ceases to receive and every portion of the West Indies from imports through the North, it will have to becoming part of such an empire. Follow-pay a great additional price for them. ing its example, of seceding from a false ex- Trade, it may be quite sure, already takes pectation of gaining power, Texas on the the very cheapest and best mode known of one hand and Virginia on the other, disap- exchanging its exports for its imports, and pointed in their expectation of advantage by any alteration in this mode caused by its a first secession, might try another; and the own political devices must be disadvantaSouth, falling into pieces, would utterly lose geous. The course of modern civilization the means of maintaining its peculiar insti- is to connect by trade, by one medium of tution against reason and civilization. exchange, one common series of weights and

The South is now teaching other nations measures, by an increasing diffusion of comthe necessity of avoiding exclusive depend- mon knowledge, including that of different ence on it for cotton. They are taking languages, and by a common interest, all means, in various quarters, for obtaining a the diverse nations of the earth. America, supply, to which the return of its supremacy into which people from all parts of the in the cotton-market would be hostile ; and world, including China and Africa, have it cannot hereafter rely on the countenance gone, or are willingly going, seems destined, and support, which it has hitherto received it has been concluded from this principle; to from cotton-manufacturing nations. It will be an amalgamating home for all; and the have with all the disadvantages of an addi- political secession of the Confederation, totional Government, of heavy taxation to tally in opposition to this general course, pay the expense of war, and of greatly crip- cannot be otherwise, as we have shown in pled resources to meet the competition of some detail, than ruinous to itself and injumany cotton-growing people in the markets rious to society. of the world. Secession will effectually pre- The Federal Union, let us add as a convent it from finding in another Eli Whitney, cluding consideration for Southern politiand in the wealth, ingenuity, and resources | cians, bas a potential voice in the politics of the world. It has lifted itself up against decisive settlement of the whole vexatious Great Rritain ; it has challenged France, and question. obtained its own terms; it has taught Aus- What is, then, the authority of Congress tria to respect American citizens ; it is quite in the seceded states? How far, and on on a level with the empire of Russia ; it has what principle, may the nation legislate subdued Mexico; it extends from the Atlan- within the territory of South Carolina and tic to the Pacific; thirty-one millions of Texas ? Are the limitations which the constrong and intelligent people constitute a stitution imposes upon the legislation of the great nation. The secession of the South, general government the same now—when, followed by other secessions incited by its by the action of the regular local authorities, pernicious example, may break into frag- the state is in a position of the most determents this now powerful, free, and most mined and intense hostilities—that they valuable member of the community of the were when the state was, in good faith, civilized world; but the South never can carrying out the duties which the constituinherit its power. What great nation will tion imposed upon her? Or are the changes ever care a straw for anything thought, said, which this, a suicidal and desperate state of or done by an almost shipless community on war, voluntarily assumed by the state, inthe Gulf of Mexico, the sinews of which are volves, so radical as to open a fair field for negro slaves ? Secession is not the road to the largest discretion of Congress in reempire, but to insignificance and ruin. establishing the state governments ?

Let it be observed, then, that the occurrence of war, and especially by the act of the states against the nation, involves

changes of the most fundamental kind durANOTHER VIEW OF SECESSION AND

ing the whole continuance of the struggle. SLAVERY

As the great security of personal liberty, To the Editors of the Evening Post :-At the habeas corpus, is put at the discretion the present session of Congress the subject of the President by the very existence of a of slavery and the question, what shall be state of war; and as every right of property done with it, which has so long vexed the in a country under military occupation must military and executive authorities of the na- give way to the exigencies of the campaign tion, is transferred to a new theatre, and and of the hour, so this institution of slavmust seek a settlement by the debates and ery, for the time beingdurante belloaction of the national Legislature. Already stands at the sole discretion of the military it is a question of great interest—soon it authorities. will be one of absorbing consequence But if a change so great as this is the in" What are the rights and jurisdiction of evitable consequence of war, may it not be Congress in the territories of the seceded that other changes, equally sweeping, are states ?” While, then, it is the part of involved? If the President, from the moevery general to deal with the subject prac- ment that war exists, becomes invested with tically in his orders to his army as the im- so great an authority, may not the great mediate exigencies of his position shall exigency which clothes him with a character demand, and the part of the President to so new and so startling, bestow new powers issue such more general orders as shall upon the nation, equally beyond the view form a consistent and comprehensive mili- and provisions of the constitution ? tary policy for the government–a duty So, indeed, it is and must be. An invawhich, through the recent orders of the sion by a foreign power would invest the Secretary of War, has already made some President with a military dictatorship in the progress toward a satisfactory accomplish- whole territory invaded. The power of the ment-these, however important, are but nation against the enemy would be absolute, transient expedients. The final adjustment nor could any state rights be pleaded against must come from the wisdom and the author- the necessity of its exercise. But war by a ity of the nation; and it behoves us to be state against the nation converts that state looking in time to the opportunities and the into an enemy, and gives to the nation every means which we possess for a definite and I right of war against the state. The authority, then, of the nation in the present con- secession is abdication by the state authoriflict is a twofold right-its right against pub- ties; and the impossibility of preventing it lic enemies, and its right against traitors. by the loyal citizens is the evidence of their

The men who take up arms against the absolute inability either to conduct their country lose all their rights in that country. former government or to create a new one. During the war they are enemies, to be re- The authority of Congress is the only ausisted to every extremity; after the war they thority left, and that becomes sole and suare traitors, to be punished and secured from preme. The state sinks by its own act into doing further mischief.

the condition of a territory, to be organized, No laws, then, of the state can be pleaded provided with a government and protected against the permanent duty of Congress to in the enjoyment of it by the power of the secure to each state a republican form of gov- nation; and that power is subjected to no ernment. No laws of a treasonable state other restraints than those which the constiretain

any validity whatever. The laws tution imposes upon it within the territories which appoint a governor and a legislature, over which Congress has “sole and exclusive and which institute a judiciary, become of jurisdiction.” no further authority when the power which The end of our reasoning, then, is this: ordained them becomes a public enemy. The seceded states are without governments Such a community is wholly beyond the and without laws. Secession is the annibiview of the constitution. That instrument lation of state authority, and the reversion gives to a state, while loyal, certain ascer- of all authority into the hands of Congress. tained rights ; but when the state ceases to With the death of the state as an organized be loyal to it, every right which it conferred community die all its political institutions ; is withdrawn, every right which it recog- no rights save the simple personal rights of nized is ignored, and the very existence of a state of nature remain. Among the artithe state government is at an end. All its ficial policies and institutions which secesagents are enemies, all their acts are acts of sion annihilates is slavery-an institution hostility, and the constitution can know no which, standing upon no natural foundation, longer the state which it previously recog- goes down when the authority which supnized. An act of treason by the public au- ported it goes down; and that authority bethorities of a state is a complete abandon- ing at an end, slavery is at an end in every ment of all functions and rights by that séceding state. Secession is, in fact and in state; and it is the business of Congress law, abolition. That system is terminated to organize a republican government therein, by the political termination of the state auupon its own idea of what such a govern- thority. Slavery can have no existence, and ment must be.

no recognition, till some competent authorThis doctrine is in complete accord with ity shall re-enact and re-institute it; and as that recently laid down by Judge Freese in Congress is the only authority competent to Alexandria, and approved by the national act and to maintain the supreme law of the authorities, that no officer of a seceded state constitution, slavery can have no existence can retain his office under the national juris- within the limits of the Confederate States diction, and that all his acts as such officer unless ordained by the national governare liable to punishment. The state being ment. Abolished for the time by the act of hostile, its authorities cannot be recognized the seceding states themselves, it only reas the state government; as none other can mains for Congress to afford to the world be immediately formed, it follows that within the pledge of its purposes by passing the a seceded state there is no local government, Wilmot proviso; and to see to it that no and that it is the duty of Congress to insti- state be re-invested with the functions of tute one at its own discretion.

sovereignty without the permanent renungThe true doctrine of the case, then, is that lation of this wrong.

B. N. M.

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