sentiments and views on the subject have acquired general ascendancy in the world, we beg to ask how Christian views and sentiments are to acquire ascendancy in the world? Is it by. Christians themselves sneering at them as impracticable and visionary? We know of no method by which Christian truth of any kind is to win universal acceptance, except by its becoming first embodied in the earnest convictions of Christian men, who shall boldly bear their testimony for it before the world, and proclaim, trumpet-tongued, its beauty and universal obligation, as a God-inspired and immortal principle! This is in accordance, also, with the theory usually received by religious men, namely, that the world is to be converted to Christianity by the instrumentality of the Church. But the Church can only convert the world to that Christianity the spirit of which it has itself comprehended, believed, and earnestly espoused. It will never convert a single human soul to that part of the system which it sneers at as impracticable and Utopian, or which it represents not as a present truth, but as one which is only contingently and prospectively incumbent upon them. If it be affirmed, that the mere "preaching of the Gospel," in the ordinary sense of that much-abused and misunderstood phrase, that is, the exhibition of the theological doctrines of Christianity, will of necessity, when they are received by the world, effect the subversion of all wrong and wickedness, without any special application of its spirit and precepts to particular social evils, in the way attempted by the Peace Society; we can only say, that the whole history of the world contradicts the assertion. It is a fact too notorious to be denied or overlooked, that practices of enormous atrocity have lived unsuspected and unmolested for ages, side by side, with a most orthodox and even zealous doctrinal Christianity. Was it not thus with religious persecution? Was it not thus with slavery? Is it not thus now with slavery in the Southern States of America ? Are there not men of unimpeachable orthodoxy, eloquent evangelical preachers, fervid revivalists, who not only connive at, but are the most unscrupulous defenders and eulogists of that "venerable institution?" It cannot be doubted that Christianity condemned these evils as emphatically, three or four centuries ago, as it does now, and that its lessons are the same in the United States as in Great Britain. Neither can it be doubted that there were men who felt not the smallest suspicion of the criminality attaching to these iniquities, who preached and believed the Gospel, in the sense already defined, as sincerely as we can do now. Does not this prove that the maintenance and earnest promulgation of an orthodox Christian creed, is not enough to insure reprehension and infamy for even gross forms of practical unrighteousness, which utterly contradict the whole spirit of the Gospel, only the minds of men have grown familiar with them by long use and habit, until their criminality is unobserved, though in the open daylight of Christian truth? Before this traditionary torpor of conscience can be disturbed, even in the heart of Christian communities, it has been found necessary to do something more than proclaim the general doctrines of the Gospel, however faithfully and fervently. It has been found necessary to turn, and con centrate as in a focus, the burning blaze of Christian principle, directly and specially, in the full face of that particular abomination, and to keep it there steadily, until all men have seen and recognised, and abhorred its hideous and infernal features. And this is just what the advocates of Peace are now doing in regard to the custom of War, and this they are resolved not to cease doing, until Christians shall learn to "shrink back dismayed," in wonder,

shame, and unutterable loathing, from that malignant and blood-stained phantom, on which they have been wont to look with such calm and complacent tolerance, and which some of them have even permitted to " 'grin horribly its ghastly smile," from the very sanctuary consecrated to incarnate love," fast by the oracle of God."*

Some of the sentiments and expressions, contained in this article, may be already familiar to a portion of our readers; but we trust they will pardon the repetition, for the sake of the large number of new readers, who will see it for the first time.

EXCLUSION OF WEAPONS OF WAR FROM THE GREAT EXHIBITION OF 1851.

THE Memorial of the Members of the London Peace Society, at their Annual Meeting held in London, May, 1850, Sheweth,

That your Memorialists regard, with unfeigned satisfaction, the proposed Exhibition of the Industry of all Nations, which is to take place in London in the year 1851, at the suggestion and under the auspices of His Royal Highness Prince Albert.

That your Memorialists, as the Members of a Society whose sole object is the promotion of permanent and universal peace, rejoice in the assurance that the projected enterprise is eminently adapted to subserve this great end, by furthering and extending the friendly intercourse of nations, by helping to elevate the various and wonderful achievements of industry to that place of honour and distinction in the estimation of mankind hitherto assigned to deeds of violence and blood, by teaching the inhabitants of all countries, how much their true greatness and prosperity, as well as their mutual safety, depend upon cultivating the arts of peace, and those amicable international relations to which they lead, and by stimulating the peoples of the earth to put forth their energies and resources in the friendly and honourable emulation of commerce, rather than in the ferocious and brutalising conflicts of war.

That as one main design of the contemplated plan, as eloquently expounded by its illustrious projector, is to produce a conviction in the mind of all beholders, that the blessings which the Almighty has bestowed upon man, can only be realised in proportion to the help we are prepared to render each other, therefore only by peace, love, and ready assistance, not only between individuals, but between the nations of the earth. Your Memorialists respectfully submit that to admit into the exhibition such inventions and implements as are designed only for the destruction of human life, and especially to offer prizes, as incitements and rewards for the production of such works, would be utterly at variance with this laudable and lofty design, as well as opposed to the whole spirit and tendency of the enterprise, as it would tend to awaken warlike associations-to foment national jealousies, and help to turn the ingenuity and labour of mankind towards the support of a system which has proved in all ages eminently unfriendly to those great interests of industry and commerce, which it is the avowed object of the exhibition to promote.

Your Memorialists therefore venture respectfully to express their hope that the Honourable Commissioners will feel it right to exclude all warlike weapons from the exhibition, and especially to abstain from bestowing such prizes as may apply a stimulus to the production of works adapted only to enable and incite the nations of the world to inflict upon each other mutual injury and destruction.

Signed on behalf of the Meeting,

J. T. PRICE, Chairman.

This Memorial having been forwarded to His Royal Highness Prince Albert, by the Secretary, the following reply has just been received :

Osborne, June 5, 1850.

SIR,-I am commanded by His Royal Highness Prince Albert to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, with the accompanying Memorial from the Members of the Peace Society, praying that "warlike weapons" may be excluded. from the Exhibition of 1851, and to inform you that by His Royal Highness's orders, I have this day forwarded it to the Chairman of the Executive Committee, to be by him brought under the consideration of the Commissioners at their first sitting.

I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your most obedient Servant,
GREY.

Henry Richard, Esq.

To the Editor of the HERALD OF PEACE.

ESTEEMED FRIEND-It will be a pleasure to some of the readers of the Herald to know, that the editor of the Art Journal has admitted into this month's number of that widely-circulated periodical an argumentative letter, advocating the exclusion of weapons of war from the coming Exhibition of the Industry of all Nations. The writer considered that a letter in the Art Journal, which has a sale, probably, of fifteen thousand and upwards monthly, might meet the eyes of some but little acquainted with, or cognisant of, the "Peace Movement," and who could not be reached through any other channel; and he felt glad that the editor kindly gave him the opportunity of thus agitating a question more important, perhaps, than may at first sight appear; and in quarters where he felt it might be very desirable that such a hint should be given, if haply the saying of the wise man of old might be applicable-" A word in due season, how good is it!"

The writer's argument is briefly this. After showing that, "in fact, all parties-prince, peer, prelate, and peasant-point to this industrial jubilee as a great practical Peace Congress;"" and quoting portions of the admirable speech of the Prince Albert as to "the realization of the unity of mankind," with some of the comments which appeared in a late number of the Herald, he says:

"It will, doubtless, be universally admitted, that, in a temple expressly dedicated to the demon of discord, the sword and the tomahawk, the spear, the musket, and the bayonet, bombshells, cannons, and scalping knives, would hold a meet companionship. The presiding genius of the temple would shed over them 'his selectest influence.' And, were the end and aim' of this coming Exhibition, not the unity, but the disunity of mankind, the admission of implements of war would be specially appropriate. Now, to some minds (would that they were more in number!) it is equally apparent that in an exhibition, the design of which is the peace, and amity, and unity of nations, the admission of weapons of war will be singularly inappropriate; as incongruous, as in the supposititious Disunity Exhibition, would be the display of the calumet, or the flag of truce, or the dove and its olive leaf, or other similar emblem; or those implements of peace, the ploughshare and the pruninghook, into which the word of prophecy has declared that the sword and the spear shall one day be transmuted.

"I therefore venture to suggest, with a solemnity due to the occasion, and in words, I hope, of befitting deference, but with the emphasis of a full conviction of the propriety and congruity of the proposal, that no weapon of international warfare shall be admitted into the coming Exhibition, one great aim of which is allowed to be the promotion of international union, brotherhood, and peace. Such an exclusion would indeed gladden the hearts of thousands, who rejoice in believing that the number does increase of those who have a growing faith in the power of moral force; and in the subduing efficacy of Christian principle. It has recently been declared, by no mean political authority, that opinions are stronger than armies: and statesmen, men of renown, have not concealed their conviction that the venerable classic

adage, Si vis pacem, para bellum, is more renowned for its antiquity than for its political sapiency.

"Earnestly desiring that these convictions may more and more prevail on the earth, and that the nations professing Christianity may, in the exercise of peace, love, and ready assistance to each other,' give evidence of their faith by their works, and thus hasten forward the sure progress of that blissful era, when, in the anticipatory language of the poet

'The warrior's name would be a name abhorred;
And every nation that should lift again
Its hand against a brother, on its forehead
Would bear for evermore the curse of Cain;'
"I am thy sincere friend,

"Sixth Month, 1850."

"M. C. J."

THE PEACE CONGRESS AT FRANCFORT. MANY of our readers are aware that, by the concurrent opinion of the Congress Committees of England, France, and Belgium, in consultation also with our American friends, it was determined, after the great demonstration of Paris last year, that the next assembly of the friends of peace should be convened in Germany; and that the city which seemed in all respects most suitable for the purpose was Francforton-the-Maine. It is central, and easily accessible from all directions, while various historical associations have given a prestige to the name beyond that of almost any other German town. It was there that two years ago the representatives of all the German states met in a kind of central parliament, with a view to realise the grand idea of national unity. It has frequently been the seat of political and diplomatic congresses, one of which, called by the Court of Vienna, is, we believe, gathered there at this very time. And it is not a little remarkable that Talleyrand, the eminent French statesman and diplomatist, had formed the idea of a great international congress, for the establishment of European peace, and that he also had fixed on Francfort as the seat of this modern Amphyctionic council.

Our information in reference to the contemplated meeting in August, is at present necessarily incomplete. Long before this article is in the hands of our readers, the Secretaries of the Peace Congress Committee, Mr. Burritt and Mr. Richard, will have commenced their preparatory mission to the continent. They propose to pass, on their way to Germany, through France and Belgium, that they may confer and co-operate with the Committees at Paris and Brussels in the promotion of their common object. Meanwhile communications have been already received from some gentlemen of respectability and influence at Francfort, which lead us to expect our welcome in that city will be no less earnest and enthusiastic than that with which we were greeted last year in Paris. The following are extracts from a most kind and encouraging letter recently received by Mr. Richard, in answer to certain inquiries he had made, at the request of the Committee, on various matters connected with the contemplated Congress.

several hundreds of the most respectable men, from all parts of our globe, assembled here.

"2nd. Are the authorities likely to grant us their permission to meet in your city?' There is not the least doubt of such a permission. A few years ago, such a permission would scarcely have been expected to be asked, or it would have been more than sufficient if any person of this town had asked that permission. But now our authorities would, I think, desire to have a special request addressed to them by you or your Committee. Owing to the political excitement which prevails, the Government must be somewhat more scrupulous in the forms. You may address your letter either directly to the senate, or send it to me, in order that I might transmit it to the senate.

"3rd. Would it be possible to associate a number of gentlemen at Frankfort, and its vicinity, into a Committee of organisation, to take the initiative in preparing for the Congress?' I do not think it likely that any intelligent inhabitant of this town, being requested by you or your Committee, would refuse to participate in such a Committee, charged to prepare whatever you would indicate to us, as necessary for your Congress. I have spoken to several learned men, generally and highly esteemed here, and they are all ready to be at your service."

In our next HERALD we hope to be in a position to give to our friends full and accurate information, derived from the correspondence of our friends, who will be then on the spot. We will only add at present, that so far as we can foresee, the Congress will be held about the third week in August. A large delegation of eminent and influential men is expected from America, who will probably come over in a vessel, specially lent for the purpose, by the Government of the United States. Meanwhile, we trust that England will be preparing to send forth a body of men, not unworthy, in numbers and character, to represent her high, social, and political pre-eminence, in this august international assembly.

REVIEWS.

Peace Lyrics. By H. G. ADAMS.

Ir may be safely said that no one influence has done so much to pervert the taste, and to deprave the moral sentiments of mankind, as the pitiful prostitution, which has taken place in all ages, of the glorious genius of poetry, to the service of the war-demon. Had the hideous apparition been permitted to appear before the world in its own true aspect, monstrous and misshapen in form, grim and ghastly in features, gashed with wounds, clotted with human gore, reeking with pollution and blood, there might have been some hope that, when the nations had awakened from the drunken frenzy of passion in which actual warfare involves them, they would have shrunk back in unutterable dismay from the sight, and united to drive "the grisly terror" far away from their hearts and habitations. But, unhappily, when the moral delirium of mankind would have partially subsided, in the lucid intervals of peace, the poets have gathered round the chariot of the war-god, and have glorified and garlanded its blood-stained brow with the choicest flowers of fancy; and clothed in the gorgeous decorations which their sinister enthusiasm has produced, the world, instead of being repelled, has been fascinated by the horrible phantom, and has rushed in crowds to attend its march, shouting and chanting

"And is not War a youthful king,
A stately hero, clad in mail?

Beneath his footsteps laurels spring,

Him earth's majestic monarchs hail

Their friend, their playmate! and his bold, bright eye,
Compels the maiden's love-confessing sigh."

No language can describe, no imagination can conceive the disastrous results of this infatuated admiration, which the

raptures of poetry have enkindled and fed. From Homer to Scott there has radiated forth on society a most baleful influence, corrupting the minds of youth, and concealing beneath the flowing and magnificent drapery of song that execrable and portentous shape

"Fierce as ten furies, terrible as hell,"

which has so long trodden and trampled beneath its feet the virtue and happiness of the race.

There are signs, however, of a more auspicious day being about to dawn. There are poets who are not ashamed to tune their lyres to other themes, and to select for poetic apotheosis other characters than the hero and conqueror, Among these we have pleasure in introducing to our readers Mr. Adams, the author of the small and unpretending volume before us. He has long laboured ably and earnestly in the cause of Peace. Some of the "lyrics,' which are now presented to the world in this collected form, have already done good service through the pages of various periodicals in which they have appeared. Mr. Adams, though a man of the most modest spirit, has produced verses which, apart from the admirable truths they embody, possess unquestionable poetic merits. The very first piece in the volume, containing an impersonation of war, after the manner of Spenser, indicates power both of conception and description not unworthy of that great master. But we own ourselves more delighted with the homely verses entitled "The Countryman's Reply to the Invitation of a Recruiting Sergeant," than with anything else in this little book. It is every way excellent, sound in argument, and rich in humour. This is a vein which we really counsel our poet to cultivate, by which he may do no little service to the cause of Peace among the labouring population. The piece, we have no doubt, is already familiar to many of our readers, but cannot resist the temptation of citing two or three verses. The idea is that a countryman, having listened to the syren eloquence of a recruiting sergeant tempting him to enlist, thus replies

we

66

'So, ye want to catch me, do ye!

Nae! I doan't much think ye wool,
Though your scarlet coat and feathers
Look so bright and butiful;
Though ye tell sich famous stories
Of the fortuns to be won,
Fighting in the distant Ingies,
Underneath the burnin' sun.
"S'pose I am a tight young feller,

Sound o' limb, and all that 'ere,
I can't see that that's a reason
Why the scarlet I should wear.
Fustian coat and corded trowsers,
Seem to suit me quite as well;
"Think I don't look badly in 'em-
Ax my Meary-she can tell!
"Satinly I'd rather keep 'em-

These same limbs you talk about-
Covered up in cord and fustian,
Than I'd try to do without;
There's Bill Muggins left our village
Jest as sound a man as I;
Now he goes about on crutches,
With a single arm and eye.

"Strut away, then, Master Sergeant;

Tell your lies as on ye go;

Make your drummers rattle louder,
And your fifers harder blow;

I shan't be a 'son o' glory,'

But an honest workin' man;

With the strength that God has guv me,

Doin' all the good I can."

There is a truer philosophy and a sounder gospel here than we have heard from the lips of some Doctors of Divinity on the subject of war.

We should like to have quoted a specimen of Mr. Adams' verses in a different strain. But our space forbids. We do very cordially commend this modest little volume to the attention and patronage of our friends.

A Popular Memoir of William Penn, Proprietor and Governor of Pennsylvania, under whose wise Administration the Principles of Peace were maintained in practice. By JACOB POST.

THE life of William Penn cannot be written too often, or studied too deeply and devoutly. It is full of profitable instruction not only to the Christian and philanthropist, but to the statesman and philosopher, could they only stoop to seek for wisdom under so unpretending a guise. Despite the attempt that has been recently made to bring his name and memory into disrepute, we believe that his fame is destined to grow into greater estimation and influence, just in proportion as mankind advance on the path of enlightenment and humanity.

The work of an iconoclast is at all times an ungracious one. But to deface the images of the great and good of other times, recklessly and wantonly, on insufficient grounds, and under the influence of questionable motives, is one of the basest crimes of which any man can be guilty. Examples of lofty and disinterested virtue are unhappily rare enough in the history of humanity, and he is no benefactor to the species who takes delight in trying to diminish their number by flinging jibes and making faces, and pointing the finger of scorn, at those whom mankind have agreed to reverence, for their singular moral worth. Retribution, however, falls sooner or later on the scorner's head. It may be doubted, even in reference to the case to which we are now alluding, whether the comparison provoked in the minds of most men is at all favourable to the assailant. For our own part, the Christian founder of Pennsylvania is to us immeasurably a greater and more venerable character than the brilliant essayist of the Edinburgh Review. It will be far easier to find a man who can write polished periods, or compose a History of England, "as interesting as a novel," than to find one who, through a long life, first of persecution and obloquy, and then of high influence and almost irresponsible power, continues with fearless and undeviating constancy "to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with his God."

It must be admitted, however, that the very fact of its being possible for any one at this time of day to impugn the memory of William Penn with even a momentary success, is owing to the imperfect justice which he has received at the hands of his own friends. We do not, indeed, mean to say that there has been, on the part of that excellent body of men to whom he belonged, an inadequate appreciation of his merits, or any indisposition to celebrate with sufficient frequency and emphasis the manifold virtues of his character and the genuine heroisms of his life. But, unhappily, this has been done in such a sort as was little adapted to carry the echo of his fame and the influence of his example beyond their own limited circle. There is a conventional style both

of sentiment and expression, which for the most part pervades their writings, that interferes to an extent of which we believe they are themselves quite unconscious, with their adaptation to interest and impress the general reader, in spite of the real and substantial value of the materials frequently concealed beneath this quaint and antiquated garb. We hardly know of a greater service that could be rendered to the cause of truth, than by taking the old Quaker worthies out of the obscure and mystic region in which they have hitherto dwelt, and introducing them in an intelligible and living form to the acquaintance of modern Englishmen. The clearness, simplicity, and power with which they apprehended much in the spirit of Christianity that has been grievously neglected and overlooked, appears to us altogether surprising. The piercing insight which enabled them to look through many of the imposing shams and disguises of society, is no less admirable, while the devout and habitual faith they cherished in Divine and invisible realities, imparted a freedom and courage to their life which impressed something of prophetic dignity on their whole demeanour, notwithstanding their disregard of all conventional forms. But how few are there, beyond the Society of Friends, who rightly understand and appreciate these admirable men! The peculiar style in which the narrative of their life, and the development of their principles, are conveyed, repels at the very outset the majority of ordinary readers. Now and then some man of genius, like Coleridge, or Mackintosh, or Carlyle, sympathising with the true and earnest, under whatever garb it is presented, penetrates through this sectarian disguise, and discovers the true nobility of soul which is concealed beneath. On the whole, however, such an interpreter as we have suggested is greatly needed by the mass of even intelligent Christians. The man who should be competent to such a task would require indeed very rare qualifications. He must combine intimate acquaintance with modern habits of thought among cultivated men, with genuine and reverential sympathy for both the character and sentiments of those whose life and spirit he undertakes to disinter. He must possess such literary judgment and skill as will enable him to translate their journals and writings from Quakerese into English, without destroying the fine old relish of the original.

But while thus describing the qualities of an imaginary biographer, we are keeping an actual one waiting to introduce to us William Penn. Mr. Post is scarcely at all obnoxious to the remarks we have made on the peculiarities of the Friends' literature. His work is written in a free, flowing, and elegant style. It does not profess to be a full and elaborate history of all the chequered scenes in Penn's eventful life. It is rather a brief and popular sketch of its principal events, exceedingly well adapted as an introduction to a wider and deeper study of his character and policy, which may be found in the larger volumes that have been published, and especially in his own works and journals. Believing, as we do, that such a study would be eminently advantageous to the world, we rejoice at every means by which it may be rendered more accessible. We do sincerely hope that Mr. Post's little volume will have a wide circulation, and contribute in no small degree to bring before the minds of Christian men, of all parties, the great pacific principles which Penn so nobly and consistently maintained, and of which he furnished in his own life and conduct so triumphant an illustration.

We shall have occasion frequently, in the course of our future labours, to advert to William Penn as a colonist, statesman, and legislator. For the present we must content ourselves with the following brief extracts from the work before us; the first containing a specimen of the political wisdom of "this mythical personage," as he was sneeringly

designated by Mr. Macaulay; the other, a very remarkable dialogue between him and Charles the Second, just previous to his embarking for the territory he had purchased in North America, and which afterwards became the scene of one of the most remarkable experiments in government recorded in history.

Speaking of the Charter granted him for Pennsylvania, Mr. Post says:

"He had the power of making laws, with the advice of the freemen of the province, and, in case of incursion by neighbour

CIRCULATION OF THE "HERALD."

In the circular letter that has been so extensively sent to our friends, we have endeavoured to express our own sense of the extreme importance of making an earnest and united effort to extend the circulation of the new periodical. This is a work in which there are very few of our friends, if they are really disposed to help the cause of Peace, who may not do something to assist us. We rejoice to say, that we have already received from several quarters most enThe couraging assurances of energetic co-operation.

to levy, muster, and train to arms, all men in the said province, and to act as their Captain-General, to make war on their enemies, and pursue the same.

"That this power was never acted upon or needed, we shall presently show; and also, by what other means peace to his province was maintained for seventy years, that is, as long as the principles of William Penn were suffered to govern the policy of the state.

"He laid down a plan for the government of his province, which has been the admiration of succeeding legislators, but few of whom have, however, had the courage to imitate it. It was so framed as to possess the elements of reform whenever time or circumstances should render a change necessary to the good of the people. 'I do not find,' he says, 'a model in the world, that time, place, or some singular emergencies, have not necessarily altered; nor is it easy to frame a civil government that shall serve all places alike.' The great end of government is to support and maintain power in reverence with the people, and to secure the people from the abuse of power, that they may be free by their just obedience, and the magistrates honourable for their just administration; for liberty without obedience is confusion, and obedience without liberty is slavery.”

Previous to embarking, William Penn went to take leave of King Charles, at which interview the following dialogue is said to have taken place, "characteristic of these two conservators of the public peace and safety, and descriptive of their opposite policy:"

King."What! venture yourself among the savages of North America! Why, man, what security have you that you will not be in their war-kettle in two hours after setting your foot on their shores? I have no idea of any security against these cannibals but in a regiment of soldiers with their muskets and their bayonets; but, mind you, I will not send a single soldier with you."

Penn.-"I want none of thy soldiers; I depend on something better than soldiers. I depend on the Indians themselves, on their moral sense, even on the grace of God, which bringeth salvation, and hath appeared to all men."

King." If it had appeared to them, they would hardly have treated my subjects so barbarously as they have done" [in other provinces previously occupied].

Penn.-"That is no proof to the contrary; thy subjects were the aggressors. When they first went to North America, they found these poor people the kindest and fondest creatures in the world. Every day they would watch for them to come on shore, and hasten to meet them, and feast them on their best fish, their venison, and their corn, which was all they had. In return for this hospitality of the savages, as we term them, thy Christian subjects, as we term them, seized on their country and rich hunting grounds for farms for themselves. Now, is it to be much wondered at, that these much-injured people, driven to desperation by such injustice, should have committed some excesses?"

King." But how will you get their lands without soldiers?" Penn. "I mean to buy their lands."

King." Why, man! you have bought them of me already!" Penn.-" Yes, I know I have, and at a dear rate too; I did this to gain thy good-will, not that I thought thou hadst any right to their lands. I will buy the right of the proper owners, even of the Indians themselves; by doing this, I shall imitate God in his justice and mercy, and hope thereby to insure his blessing on my colony, if I should ever live to plant one in North America."-pp. 24-26.

and cordial greeting sent to us, since we first announced our intention to alter and enlarge the "HERALD." We trust they will stimulate others to go and do likewise :—

(To the Editor of the HERALD OF PEACE.)

DEAR SIR,-I earnestly trust that the present issue of the HERALD (3000) will be more than fully sustained. There have been monthly papers with their circulation of twenty or thirty thousand; why should it not be so with the HERALD? Only let our friends in the Country share the anxiety of some of the London Committee to increase the Metropolitan subscribers upwards of a thousand, and our great question will soon secure the attention it deserves. In many large and influential Towns the publication is almost unknown."

And then the expense is so trifling-threepence per month, or if stamped fourpence; surely those who are anxious to disseminate sound moral and religious views of this important social movement, will eagerly embrace so valuable an opportunity. I am, Sir, yours very sincerely, R. S. BENDall.

June, 1850, Old Kent Road.

MY DEAR SIR,-Will you allow me to suggest to the London Committee that it be a fixed purpose with them to circulate at least twenty thousand of the HERALD monthly?

And if one individual, as your circular letter states, "intends to procure at least two hundred additional subscribers," and if another has already secured eighty, and a third is expecting fifty, surely every earnest man amongst us can obtain five, if not ten, at the very lowest calculation, and then the HERALD would at once be heard in twenty thousand families. Wishing you all possible success, I am, &c.,

AN EARNEST FRIEND.

Roskrow, 16th Sixth Month, 1850. DEAR FRIEND, I shall be glad to have the PEACE HERALD in its new form, and I hope it will recommend itself to my friends, that I may be able to forward the names of a few more Subscribers. The cause is one that must and will prevail. It is too sacred, too reasonable, and too widely recognised, to fall to the ground. I believe the time is much nearer than most imagine, when this Government and others will be forced to adopt the principle, that all war is at variance with Christianity. Believe me, Thine very truly,

Henry Richard, 19, New Broad Street.

R. BARCLAY Fox.

Another esteemed correspondent writes, "I should like to have a dozen copies of the first issue, and will place them in situations, if possible, in which they will tell. I can imagine the new series will contain more persuasive truths than the limited space of the former pages would allow."